he thought, no farther argument. The motion being objected to, as throwing a direct censure on the late appointment of commissioners, it was withdrawn, and the following substituted:-"That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the independency of the judges, and such farther regulations as may be proper for securing the same.' But the previous question was moved, and carried without a division.

On the 17th of June Sir Cecil Wray presented a petition to the house of commons from the people called Quakers, setting forth, that the petitioners met in their annual assembly, having solemnly considered the state of the enslaved negroes, conceive themselves engaged, in religious duty, to lay the suffering situation of that unhappy people before the house, as a subject loudly calling for the humane interposition of the legislature; and they regret, that a nation professing the Christian faith should so far counteract the principles of humanity and jus tice, as, by cruel treatment of this oppressed race, to fill their minds with prejudices against the mild and beneficent doctrines of the gospel; and that, under the countenance of the laws of this country, many thousands of those our felllow creatures, entitled to the natural rights of mankind, are held, as private property, in cruel bondage; and the petitioners being informed that a bill for the regulation of the African trade is

now before the house, containing a clause which restrains the officers of the African company from exporting negroes, the petitioners deeply affected with a consideration of the rapine, oppression, and bloodshed, attending that traffic, humbly request, that the said restriction may be extended to all persons whatsoever,' &c. Lord North, after paying several just compliments to the petitioners for their humanity, expressed his fears that it would be found impossible to abolish the slave trade, as it had, in some measure, become necessary to almost every nation in Europe: and as it would be next to an impossibility to induce them all to give it up, and renounce it for ever, so he was apprehensive that the wishes of the humane petitioners could not be accomplished. Sir Cecil Wray said, he went heart and hand with the petitioners, and wished something might be done towards abolishing a traffic which disgraced humanity. His motion that the petition lie on the table was agreed to.

During the whole of this session, the affairs of the East India company were objects of the unremitted attention of two committees appointed on that business; but the unsettled state of the government prevented any effectual measures from being taken in consequence of their reports. In the course of their investigations, however, appearances of guilt had been discovered against Sir Thomas Rumbold, a man who, though originally of a low station, had returned from India with an immense fortune, and been knighted. A public prosecution had been commenced against him two years before, and a bill of restraint had passed to prevent him from leaving the kingdom, or alienating his property. On the 2nd of June, 1783, the lord advocate, observed, in the house of commons, that, Sir

Thomas Rumbold having finished his defence, i was now the duty of the house to take the whole of the evidence into consideration; but, as the season was far advanced, he moved for a bill to continue the proceedings and the restraining bill against him in their present state, notwithstanding any prorogation or dissolution of parliament. After some conversation, the motion passed, and the bill was brought in and agreed to.

On the same day Mr. Pitt brought in a bill for regulating the public offices; and said, the purpose of it was to embrace all the objects pointed out in the king's speech at the opening of the session. On the 17th he moved the house to resolve itself into a committee on the bill. Lord John Cavendish opposed the motion, alleging the bill was useless, and that all its objects might be answered without it, as the regulations necessary in the offices might be established by the heads of these offices. Mr. Pitt expressed his surprise at this last assertion, and to convince the house that abuses did exist in several public offices, and that the heads of these offices were not the most fit persons to correct them, he stated the following facts :-In the pay office, under the name of gifts, two clerks, whose salary is only £240 each, had received in one year, the one £2000, and the other £2500, and yet this happened in an office where the commisioners of accounts had been told no fees were taken. In the post office the incidental expenses were enormous. The secretary had 2 per cent. commission on packets provided for those taken or destroyed. Under this head of packets, the nation, this very last war, had paid £120,000, and thus the secretary, whose salary is only £500, made £2500 a-year by this commission. The noble lord in the blue riband, (lord North) had cost the public the last year he presided at that board £1340 for stationary ware! He was surprised how such a bill could be run up; but, when he read the particulars, he was astonished it had not been ten times as much; for he found in one article a charge of £350 for whip-cord! Above £10,000 had been laid out on his lordship's house in Downing Street, and something near that sum on the house at Bushy Park. There were charges of £600 a-year for stationary consumed by the two secretaries of the treasury; and about £100 for each of the lords of that board. On the whole, Mr. Pitt expected, that, by this bill passing, there would be a saving of £40,000 a-year to the public.— Lord North vindicated himself from these charges; but, on the 19th, the bill was passed, though it was afterwards thrown out by the house of lords. On the 23rd of June the house was informed, by a message from the king, that £50,000 a-year was to be settled on the prince of Wales out of the civil list; but that £60,000 would be necessary as a temporary aid, to equip him at his outset in life. Mr. Fox observed that the proposed establishment was certainly far too low; and that he should undoubtedly, had the advising an establishment remained with him, have proposed a sum more adequate to the object in view. Such an observation coincided with what had been rumored, that Mr. Fox had suggested

a splendid establishment for the prince, which his majesty would not agree to. This sum was accordingly voted by both houses, and an address of thanks presented to his majesty. On the same day lord J. Cavendish moved for leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of the offices in his majesty's exchequer, which was agreed to; and on the 4th of July, in the committee on the bill, he proposed, that after the interest of the then auditors, tellers, &c. should cease, the salaries of these officers should be fixed and certain. Mr. Fox said, the principle of the bill was not so much to reduce the salaries of these officers, as to prevent the emoluments arising from them from increasing with the public burdens, and the holders of them from becoming rich in proportion as the public should grow poor. It was estimated, that there would be a saving to the nation from these reforms of about £17,000 a-year in peace, and £40,000 in war. On the 1st of July, a motion was carried, for adjourning the farther consideration of the bill of pains and penalties against Sir T. Rumbold, &c., to the 1st of October, by which means the whole proceeding fell to the ground, and was never afterwards resumed.

short a recess.

Parliament met on the 11th of November, 1783, when the two houses were informed, in the speech from the throne, of the treaties of peace being concluded; and of the necessity of providing for the security of the revenue; and the East India company's affairs were stated as the reason of their being called together after so Some days passed in discussions relative to different parts of the revenue; and on the 18th of November Mr. Fox moved for leave to bring in A bill, for vesting the affairs of the East India Company in the hands of certain commissioners, for the benefit of the public:' and also, A bill for the better government of the territorial possessions and dependencies in India.' By the former, he proposed to enact, That the whole government and management of the territorial possessions, revenues, and commerce of the company, together with all the powers and authorities before vested in the directors, or in the general court of proprietors, should be vested in seven directors, named in the bill; viz. earl Fitz-William, the right honorable Frederick Montague, lord viscount Lewisham, the honorable George Augustus North, Sir Gilbert Elliott, Sir Henry Fletcher, and Robert Gregory, Esq. These directors, or commissioners, were to hold their office for four years, and were not to be removeable by his majesty, without an address of either house of parliament. That, for the sole purpose of ordering and managing the commerce of the said company, nine assistant directors, being proprietors, each of £2000 capital stock, should be appointed to act under the directors aforesaid. That all vacancies in the office of the directors should be filled by his majesty; and that the vacancies in the office of the assistant directors should be filled by a majority of the proprietors, at an election by open poll. That the assistant directors should be removable by five directors, the cause and reasons for such removal being

entered on their journals, and signed with their respective names; and that the directors and assistant directors should be removable by his majesty, upon an address of either house of parliament. The bill then provided certain regulations relative to the official proceedings of the directors; and enumerated certain disqualifications which should render any person incapable of being a director, or assistant director. It then proposed to enact, that the directors should, once in every six months, lay before a general court of proprietors an exact state of the mercantile concerns of the company; and that, before the commencement of every session, they should lay the same, with other accounts therein stated, before the commissioners of his majesty's treasury, to be by them laid before the parliament. Authority was given to the directors to remove, suspend, appoint, or restore, any of the officers in the company's service, either civil or military. It next provided for the speedy and effectual trial of all persons charged with any offences committed in India; and for the prevention of all persons so charged, from returning to India before a due examination of the matters charged shall be had; and required from every director, before whom examination into the subject matter of such charge shall be had, to enter into the journals, and subscribe with his name, the specific reasons on the particular case, for the opinion or vote he shall give thereon.' It further provided for a speedy decision upon all differences or doubts, which might arise among the members of their government in India;' and directed that, in case such a decision shall not be had within three months after the account of any such difference or doubt shall be received, the directors shall enter on their journals their reasons for not coming to such a determination.' And, lastly, that the assistant directors should be allowed a clear yearly salary of £500 from the company.' By the second bill (which Mr. Fox introduced on the 26th of November) powers granted to the governor-general and council, by the 13th Geo. III., were more fully explained, and strict obedience to the orders of the directors enjoined. The delegation of the powers of the council general, or of any presidency, was prohibited; the revision of all proceedings in special commissions directed; and the regular communication of all correspondence in India provided for. It forbid the exchange, or the acquisition, or the invasion, of any territory in India, or the forming any alliance for such purposes, or the hiring out any part of the company's forces, by the council general, or any presidency. It prohibited the appointment to any office of any person removed for misdemeanor; and the letting out to hire any farm, or other thing, to the servants of any person in the civil service of the company. It abolished all monopolies in India. It declared the acceptance of all presents to be illegal with certain penalties; and made such presents recoverable by any person for his own sole benefit. It secured an estate of inheritance to the native landholders, and provided against the alteration or the increase of rents. It directed, that princes engaged to keep up or pay troops for the service

the

porters of the bills argued, that the phrase chartered rights was full of affectation and ambiguity: that there were two kinds of charters; the first when the natural rights of men were confirmed by some public deed, such as the charters of king John and king Henry III. The second formed on principles the very reverse of these, for the purpose of suspending the natural rights of mankind at large, to confer some exclusive privileges on particular persons. Such were commercial charters; and such charters were therefore, in the strictest sense, voidable, whenever they substantially varied from the purpose of their existence. In conformity to this, parliament had actually passed several acts, all infringing on the company's charter. It had been admitted on all sides, that the company, under its present constitution, was totally inadequate to the government of their immense territorial acquisitions; but it was contended that, in the present measure, the extent of the remedy went infinitely beyond the extent of the necessity: that the disfranchisement of the members of the company, and the confiscation of their property, could only be justified by acts of delinquency legally established. To this it was replied, that their property was not confiscated, the bill expressly vesting it in the company, in trust for the sole benefit of the proprietors.

While these bills were thus supported with great ability, Mr. Pitt contended that, by vesting the whole patronage of India in the hands of seven directors nominally appointed by parliament, but really selected by administration, the influence of the crown would be augmented to such an extraordinary degree, that, like an irresistible torrert, it might utterly overturn and sweep away the remaining liberties of the country. Mr. Dundas opposed the measure, not because it augmented the power of the crown, but because it increased a power already overgrown: it placed a new and unparalleled influence in the hands of the minister and his coadjutors for four years, which would be independent of the crown and of parliament: it would thus create a fourth estate in the realm, with a power of a most dangerous nature, which in the end might annihilate the crown and subvert the constitution. Mr. Fox's motives on this occasion were attacked by the ordinary members of opposition in very pointed language. They said that it was evident nothing short of a perpetual dictatorship would satisfy his inordinate ambition. They allowed that he had many respectable qualities; but they could on no account see him exalted on the ruins of the constitution. It was alleged that he was ready to sacrifice the king, the parliament, and the people, at the shrine of a party, &c. The chief supporters of the bills were the two secretaries, Mr. Fox, and lord North; Sir Grey Cooper, and Messrs. Erskine, Burke, Sheridan, Anstruther, and Adam; against it were Messrs. W. and T. Pitt, the marquis of Graham, Sir J. Lowther, and Messrs. Dundas, Dempster, Powis, Jenkinson, and M'Donald. During the progress of the bills the court of directors of the East India Company were heard by council; and the mayor and common council of the city of London presented a petition praying they might not pass into laws.

Such, however, was the influence of the coalition, that, on the 28th of November, the votes on the commitment of the first bill were 229 to 120. On the 1st of December, in the committee, the votes for proceeding on the bill stood 217 to 103; on the third the seven directors and nine as

sistants were nominated without opposition; and on the 8th the bill was passed by a majority of 106; there being 208 for it, and 102 against it.

On the 9th of December Mr. Fox carried the first bill to the house of peers, and on the 11th it was read a first time, when earl Temple, lord Thurlow, and the duke of Richmoud, expressed their abhorrence of the measure in the strongest terms. Lord Thurlow descanted on the flourishing state of the company's affairs, and pronounced a brilliant panegyric on governor Hastings. After a short debate on the production of papers, the second reading was fixed for the 15th In the mean time, the parliamentary debates on the bills being diffused through the nation, they not only created considerable interest in the minds of the public, but seem to have awakened the feelings of the sovereign. It was affirmed that, on the 11th of December, the king had signified to lord Temple his complete conviction of the correctness of the views of opposition, and authorised him to declare the same to such persons as he should think proper: that a written note was put into his hands, in which his majesty declared, that he should esteem those who should vote for the India bill, not his friends, but his enemies and that if he (lord Temple) could put this in stronger words, he had full authority to do so. It was also said that a communication had been made to the same purport to several other peers in the house of lords; therefore, on the 15th of December, counsel being heard against the bill, and soliciting at eleven at night to postpone farther proceedings till next day, the motion for adjournment was carried against the ministry by eighty-seven to seventy-nine. In consequence of what had now taken place, a motion was brought forward in the house of commons on the same day by Mr. Baker: that it is now necessary to declare, that to report any opinion, or other proceeding depending in either house of parliament, with a view to influence the votes of the members, is a high crime and misdemeanour: derogatory to the honor of the crown; a breach of the fundamental privileges of parliament, and subversive of the constitution. The motion was seconded by lord Maitland, but strongly opposed by Mr. Pitt, who urged the impropriety of proceeding on mere unauthenticated rumor. With respect to the effects adduced as a proof of these reports, they were not conclusive, as it was not unusual for the lords to reject a bill that had been passed by the commons, without the least suspicion of undue influence. After a long and warm debate, the house divided, when there appeared for the motion 151, against it eighty. It was then resolved, that, on Monday next, the house should resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into consideration the present state of the nation.

As a change of ministers appeared to be a

measure determined upon by the king, and a dissolution of parliament the immediate and necessary consequence, the majority of the house thought no time was to be lost, in endeavouring to render the attempt as difficult as possible. With this view, immediately after the above resolutions were agreed to, Mr. Erskine made the following motion, that it is necessary to the most essential interests of this kingdom, and peculiarly incumbent on this house, to pursue with unremitting attention the consideration of a suitable remedy for the abuses, which have prevailed in the government of the British dominions in the East Indies; and that this house will consider as an enemy to his country, any person who shall presume to advise his majesty to prevent, or in any manner interrupt, the discharge of this important duty. The motion was opposed as factious, as interfering with the executive part of government, and trenching on the undoubted prerogative of the crown, without any just cause. It was carried, however, by the same majority, with the former.

On the 16th of December the house of peers heard counsel against the bill, and on the 17th, after a warm debate, it was rejected by a ma jority of ninety-five to seventy-six. On this occasion the prince of Wales did not vote. Previous to the division, the reports of the undue influence being again mentioned by the duke of Portland, lord Temple acknowledged, that his duty had led him to solicit an interview with his sovereign on the bill; that he had then communicated his sentiments very fully to his majesty; that these were lodged in the breast of his sovereign; and what they were would for ever remain a secret. But though he would not declare affirmatively, what his advice to his sovereign was, he would tell their lordships negatively what it was not: it was not friendly to the principle and object of the bill. In doing this he was confident he had acted a dutiful part to his sovereign. On the 18th, at twelve o'clock at night, a messenger delivered to the two secretaries his majesty's orders, that they should deliver up the seals of their offices, and send them by the under secretaries, Messrs. Frazer and Nepean, as a personal interview would be disagreeable to him. The seals were immediately given by the king to lord Temple, who sent letters of dismission next day to the rest of the cabinet council; Mr. Pitt was forthwith appointed first lord of the treasury, and chancellor of the exchequer; earl Gower president of the council. On the 22nd lord Temple resigned the seals, which were delivered to lord Sydney and the marquis of Caermarthen as secretaries of state. Lord Thurlow was appointed lord high chancellor, the duke of Rutland lord privy seal; lord viscount Howe first lord of the admiralty; the duke of Richmond, master of ordnance; W. W. Grenville, esq., and lord Mulgrave paymasters general; H. Dundas, esq., treasurer of the navy; earl of Salisbury lord chamberlain; Lloyd Kenyon, esq., attorney general; R. Pepper Arden, esq., solicitor general; Ilay Campbell, esq., lord advocate for Scotland; and R. Dundas, esq., solicitor.

A formidable majority in the house of com⚫mons still adhered to the late ministry, and, after

their dismission, made the dissolution of parlia ment, in the public opinion, an event immediately to be expected. The passing of the landtax bill, however, was previously necessary. It had been twice read, and the 20th of December appointed for the third reading. But, as the committee on the state of the nation was to sit on the 22nd, the house, on the 19th, after a short debate, adjourned to the 22nd. On that day, before the speaker left the chair, Mr. W. Grenville informed the house, that lord Temple had authorised him to say, that he was ready to meet any charge that should be made against him; and that he had thought fit to resign the seals to prevent all suspicion of his seeking for protection as a minister. In answer to this notification, Mr. Fox said, that, as to the earl's relinquishing an office which he had held but three days, he was doubtless the fittest judge; but as to the facts alluded to, facts of public notoriety, which affected the honor of parliament, and the safety of the constitution, he trusted the house would take them into their most serious consideration: though, indeed, the secret nature of them almost precluded the possibility of bringing a personal charge against any one. In the committee on the state of the nation, Mr. Erskine proposed that an address should be presented to the king, stating the alarming reports of an intended dissolution of parliament; to represent to his majesty the inconveniences and dangers that would attend such a measure, at a moment when the maintenance of public credit, the support of the revenue, and more especially the distressed state of the finances of the East India Company, and the disorders prevailing in their government both at home and abroad, demanded the most immediate attention: to beseech his majesty to suffer them to proceed on the important business recommended to them in his speech from the throne; and to hearken to the voice of his faithful commons, and not to the secret advices of persons who may have private interests of their own, separate from the true interest of his majesty and his people. This address being agreed to was presented to the king, and on Wednesday the 24th of December, the speaker read to the house the answer, which assured the house that it had been the constant object of his majesty to en.ploy his authority to its true and only end-the good of the people; that he agreed with them in thinking that the support of the public credit and revenue must demand their vigilant care; and that the state of the East Indies was also an object of as much delicacy as importance. It concluded, I trust you will proceed in these considerations with all convenient speed, after such an adjournment as the present circumstances may seem to require; and I assure you, I shall not interrupt your meeting by any exercise of my prerogative, either of prorogation, or dissolution.' jections were now made to these concluding words. It was said, that the whole extent of the royal favor amounted to no more than an assurance, that they should meet again; and in the committee upon the state of the nation, on a motion of lord Beauchamp, the chairman was directed to move, That it is the opinion of this

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