rendered almost on the first summons; and on the 25th of October the marshals Davoust and Augereau entered Berlin.

From Berlin the French emperor issued a decree, dated 20th November, 1806, interdicting all commerce and correspondence between the countries under his government and the islands of Great Britain, which he declared to be in a state of blockade; denouncing all English property as lawful prize; and all vessels touching at any port in England, or any English colony, were excluded from the harbours of France, or the countries under its control. This was vindicated as a measure of retaliation for the flagrant violations of the laws of maritime neutrality by Great Britain; and, extravagant as the terms of the decree might seem, its effects were severely felt. After the dreadful defeat of Jena, the king of Prussia had retired to Koningsberg, where he was actively employed in collecting the scattered and feeble remains of his forces. In the mean time the French, under Jerome Buonaparte, made themselves masters of Silesia, and the barrier, which seemed to have wholly separated France and Russia, was now broken down. On this the emperor Alexander resolved to make a grand effort to protect his own dominions, as well as to support the throne of Prussia. While marshals Davoust and Lasnes entered Prussian Poland, a large force was collecting in different parts of the Russian empire, and began to move towards the frontier.

The Russians, having crossed the Vistula on the 26th November, met the French advanced posts, which finding themselves unequal to resist, they repassed that river; and two days after, the duke of Berg, with a division of the French army, entered Warsaw. About a month after the forces of these two great powers came into contact in the battle of Pultusk. The Russian general Benningsen, having taken a position at this place, was attacked by the French on the 26th December, led on by marshals Davoust and Lasnes, under the immediate direction of the emperor of France. Davoust, with 10,000 men, fell upon the left wing of the Russians; at the same time the attack on their right was extremely impetuous, and conducted by Napoleon in person. The conflict was extremely obstinate, and continued till night. The enemy was certainly repulsed; but the French and Russian accounts are extremely contradictory. Both sides laid claim to the victory, but neither gained ground. The loss was unquestionably great; and, from subsequent circumstances, it appears to have been nearly equal.

On reaching Eylau the Russian commander sent general Marcoff to take possession of the town, and a sanguinary conflict again ensued between his corps and several columns of the enemy. The Russians, after an obstinate contest, made themselves master of the town on the 7th of February, 1807; but the French advanced in such force that they were obliged to retreat. In consequence of this reverse general Benningsen ordered another division to advance, which, marching in three columns, bore down all opposition, and retook Eylau by assault.

On the following day the action was renewed,

and became general. It would exceed the limits of this summary to follow the official accounts of the operations; but they assert that all the attempts of the French cavalry to break the Russian columns were defeated. In vain, says Benningsen, did the emperor of France lavish his last resources; in vain did he endeavour to excite the courage of his soldiers, and sacrifice so great a part of his army: the bravery and persevering courage of the Russians withstood all his efforts, and snatched from him a victory which had long remained doubtful.' At midnight the Russians remained masters of the field of battle; but in the morning retreated, and the French took possession of the town of Eylau.

After this the armies of France and Russia remained, for a considerable time, inactive. Warlike operations, however, continued in Swedish Pomerania, where, after a number of actions fought with various success, the Swedes were at last driven into Stralsund. In the month of April a division of the French army commenced the siege of Dantzic; and the houses of the suburbs were destroyed to the value of 9,000,000 of livres; the damages occasioned in the city itself, by the cannonade and bombardment, were estimated at 12,000,000. The Russians, notwithstanding their assumed victory at Eylau, could never make an effort for the relief of this city; which, on the 28th of May, surrendered to the French by capitulation.

The fatal day at length arrived which was to decide the mighty contest. That day was the 14th of June, the anniversary of the battle of Marengo. Having put his soldiers in mind of this circumstance, the emperor Napoleon prepared for an attack on the Russian position at Friedland. The battle did not commence till half past five in the evening, when marshal Ney and general Marchand advanced, while general Bisson's division supported their left. The Russians attempted to turn marshal Ney with several regiments of cavalry, preceded by a numerous body of Cossacks. But general Latour Mauberg immediately formed his division of dragoons, and, advancing to the right at full gallop, repelled their charge. In the mean while general Victor ordered a battery of thirty pieces of cannon to be placed in the front of his centre; and general Summermont having caused it to be moved about 400 paces forward, the Russians sustained a dreadful loss from its fire. The different movements which were made to effect a diversion proved useless. Several columns of the Russian infantry attacked the right of marshal Ney's division, but were charged with the bayonet, and driven into the Alle, in which river several thousands found their death. While Ney advanced to the ravine which surrounds the town of Friedland, the Russian imperial guards made an impetuous attack on his left. This corps was for a moment shaken; but general Dupont's division, which formed the right of the reserve, marched against the guards, and routed them with dreadful slaughter. The Russians then drew several reinforcements from their centre, and other corps of reserve, to defend Friedland; but, in defiance of all their efforts, the town was forced, and its streets covered with dead bodies. At this

moment the centre of the French, commanded by marshal Lasnes, was attacked; but the Russians could make no impression. This sanguinary contest was decided chiefly by the bayonet, and the result was the total defeat of the Russians. The carnage that now ensued was dreadful. According to the French bulletins, the Russians left from 15,000 to 18,000 dead on the field, and the number does not appear to be greatly exaggerated. But it is difficult to give implicit credit to their relations, when they state their own loss at no more than 500 killed, and 6000 wounded. The French took eighty pieces of cannon, a great number of caissons, and several standards. This sanguinary action was followed by an interview between the emperors of France and Russia and the king of Prussia, on the 7th of July, and a treaty of peace was concluded at Tilsit between France and Russia, and a few days afterwards between France and Prussia. The principal articles were, that a part of the Prussian dominions, especially on the eastern side of the Elbe, should be annexed to the new kingdom of Westphalia. Those parts which had been wrested from Poland, and become subject to Prussia, were ceded to the king of Saxony, under the title of the duchy of Warsaw, with a free communication with Saxony by a military road through the king of Prussia's dominions. The city of Dantzic, with a surrounding territory of two leagues, was restored to independence. The navigation of the Vistula was to be free. Russia acknowledged Joseph Buonaparte and his brother Louis, as kings of Naples and Holland, and Jerome as king of Westphalia. The emperor of all the Russias also acknowledged the confederation of the Rhine.

The French emperor also agreed to accept the mediation of the emperor of Russia, in order to negociate and conclude a peace with Great Britain, under the condition, however, that this mediation should be accepted by England within a month after the conclusion of the treaty of Tilsit. By secret articles of this treaty, the ports of Prussia, as well as of Dantzic, were to be shut against the vessels and trade of Great Britain; and it is not certain whether the emperor of Russia was not bound by the same condition. By another secret article, Russia had consented to cede Corfu and the Seven Islands as an appendage to France. In the month of August a Russian officer, attended by French commissioners, arrived there; and, having convened the senate, opened a despatch from the emperor Alexander, in which his imperial majesty declared that he renounced all the rights which he possessed in quality of protector of the Seven Islands, and ceded them to his majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy. The king of Sweden refused to accede to the treaty of Tilsit.

In December 1806 the new parliament was opened, and the great measure of the abolition of the Slave Trade finally accomplished.

On the 5th of January the papers relative to the late negociation were taken into consideration in parliament. The conduct of government was ably vindicated by the chiefs of administration in both houses, and addresses voted without

a division. There were individuals, however who expressed their dissatisfaction on very opposite grounds. Mr. Whitbread, in the commons, in a masterly speech, declared, that war, eternal war, ought not to be waged for Sicily and Dalmatia; and he moved an amendment, expressive of the hope entertained by the house, that his majesty would make every arrangement, consistent with honor, for the restoration of peace. Lord Yarmouth declared his firm conviction, that the negociation would have been brought to a favorable conclusion had it not been for the melancholy event of the death of Mr. Fox.

Mr..

On the 20th of February lord Howick intimated his intention of preparing some additional and very necessary clauses for insertion in the mutiny bill. By the Irish mutiny act, passed in 1793, Catholics were allowed to hold any rank in the army under that of general on the staff in Ireland, though in Great Britain they were disqualified to serve under severe penalties; thus being deemed by law worthy of trust in one part of the United Kingdom, and unworthy in another. This anomaly it was the object of lord Howick to remedy, by making the provisions of the Irish act general. But on the 5th of March his lordship, in lieu of the proposed clauses, moved to bring in a bill for enabling his majesty to avail himself of the services of all his subjects, in his naval and military forces, on their taking the prescribed oath of allegiance; for to grant this privilege to Catholics and deny it to Protestants, would have been manifestly unjust. It might be thought that a law so salutary and equitable would sufficiently recommend itself by its mere statement; yet the motion of lord Howick was enforced with all the wisdom and eloquence of an accomplished statesman. Percival, late attorney-general, immediately rose to resist, what he styled one of the most dangerous measures that had ever been submitted to the judgment of the legislature. Our ancient and venerable establishment, he contended, could only be preserved by making a stand against every fresh attempt at innovation, which, if encouraged, would not stop short of abolishing all that the wisdom of our ancestors had thought necessary to enact in defence of our religion. The present question was simply, whether the legislature were prepared to give up the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland? This measure was, indeed, but a part of the principle of innovation which was gradually increasing; and these approaches were far more dangerous than if it were to come forward at once in all its frightful magnitude; and, what might be at first denied by the wisdom of parliament, would be ultimately extorted from its weakness. Such was the nature of the alarm sounded in parliament; and the spirit of bigotry instantly awoke from its slumber, and answered to the call. After an animated debate an early day was fixed for the second reading of the bill. This, however, was twice postponed; and on the 18th of March lord Howick gave notice, that the bill was not intended, under the present circumstances, to be proceeded upon. These circumstances were of a nature so singular, as to require a particular elucidation.

On the 4th of February, a despatch was received from the duke of Bedford, lord-lieutenant of Ireland, stating, that a disposition had been manifested by the Irish Catholics to prosecute their claims by petition to parliament. Desirous to prevent an application so unseasonable, and at the same time to assure the Catholics of their favorable disposition, an answer to the despatch of the lord-lieutenant was prepared by ministers, stating their intention relative to the mutiny bill, a copy of which was transmitted to the king, accompanied by a cabinet minute. To this proposition the king expressed a strong dissent; and, upon receiving his disapproval, the cabinet, on the 10th of February, made a respectful representation of the grounds of policy and principle upon which the measure in question was founded. Lord Sidmouth, who was president of the council, had fairly avowed his readiness to concur in the extension of the Irish act, so far as to legalise the services of the Irish Catholic officers in England, and no further. This he had made known to the king on being questioned by him, acknowledging, that there was no alternative but to repeal the Irish act, or make it operative in England. In consequence of this opinion corroborated by the lord chancellor, who described the measure as merely a corollary from the Irish act, the king replied to the cabinet minute, that, adverting to what had taken place in 1793, he would not prevent his ministers from submitting to the consideration of parliament the proposed clauses in the mutiny bill; but thought it necessary to declare, that he could not go one step farther; and trusted that this reluctance and concession would secure him from being distressed by any future proposal connected with the Catholic question. Under this frail and limited sanction, nevertheless, the majority of the cabinet transmitted a despatch to Ireland, exciting expectations far beyond the letter of the act of 1793, not only by removing the bar to higher military advancement, but extending the provisions of the act to the navy, and imparting the same privileges to English Protestant dissenters.

Lord Sidmouth, on being apprised of the import of the new clauses introduced into the bill, plainly declared the necessity he should feel of opposing the measure in parliament; and, in a cabinet council held on the 1st of March, he stated his conviction, that the extent of it was not understood by the king. Lord Grenville, however, expressing an opposite opinion, it was proposed by lord Howick to transmit to his majesty a copy of the clauses in question, which was done on the following day, accompanied by a despatch to the lord-lieutenant of the same tenor. These documents were returned without comment; but on the 4th of March the king, having previously conferred with lord Sidmouth, declared to lord Howick, at an audience held after the levee, his dislike and disapprobation of the measure, without however, in express words, withdrawing the consent which he had already given. The ministers, therefore, still acted under a delusion, and the obnoxious bill was ordered to be read a second time on the 12th of March.

During this interval lord Sidmouth gave no

tice of his resolution to resign office, with a view to oppose the bill. But the king refused to accept his resignation; and mentioned in strong terms his surprise at the extent of the proposition made in the house of commons, after his declaration to lord Howick. On the same day lord Grenville was informed by the king, in a manner which could not possibly be mistaken, that to those parts of the bill which went beyond the limits of the act of 1793, he could not be induced to give his consent. Lord Sidmouth therefore prudently advised them to modify the bill, in such a manner as to free it from objections evidently insuperable. And lord Grenville, with the concurrence of his colleagues, respectfully apprised the king of the misconception that had prevailed, and their present purpose to modify the measure, so as to confine it precisely within those limits to which his majesty understood himself to have consented. This intimation was graciously received by the king, who gave the strongest assurances of his conviction, that the intentions of the ministers towards him were perfectly honorable. It was thus hoped that the difficulty was got over, and that ministers would be able to proceed with the bill, modified so as to meet the wishes of all parties; but, most unaccountably, at a subsequent cabinet meeting held on the 15th of March, to which neither the lord chancellor, the lord president, nor the lord chief justice were summoned, a resolution was taken to abandon the measure altogether. Nor was this the only, or the principal indiscretion. A minute was transmitted to the king, who now conceived that an amicable and final explanation had taken place, announcing the relinquishment of the measure; but at the same time asserting their right and intention to avow their opinions in parliament respecting their withdrawment of the bill, and in all future discussions relating to the Catholic question; and also to submit for his majesty's decision, from time to time, such advice respecting Ireland as the course of circumstances and the interests of the empire should require.

This superfluous declaration of rights which had never been controverted, excited in the breast of the king the greatest une asiness. He began to think that the question was never to be at rest, and that he was to remain perpetually exposed to a recurrence of importunity and anxiety. The royal answer, unadvisedly given, expressed some dissatisfaction at the parliamentary avowals which the ministers supposed to be necessary. It declared, that his majesty would never consent to any farther concessions; and demanded from ministers a positive and written assurance, that he should never again be distressed by a recurrence to this subject. With regard to a demand of this nature, there could be no hesitation; and it was in dutiful terms represented to the king, that those who were entrusted by him with the administration of the affairs of his extensive empire, were bound by by every obligation to submit, without reserve, the best advice they could frame to meet the exigencies of the times; and that the situation of of Ireland constituted the most formidable part of the present difficulties.

On the day succeeding this communication his majesty, with the most gracious expressions of his satisfaction in regard to every other part of their conduct, announced his intention of making a change of ministers; and on the 18th of March lord Howick was authorised to notify this intention to parliament. On the 25th of March his majesty's pleasure was signified, that the members of the present administration should deliver up their seals of office.

Before the end of March a new administration was formed. At the head of the treasury, after an interval of more than twenty years, was for the second time placed the duke of Portland, now from age and infirmity regarded as a cypher in office, the efficient power residing in Mr. Percival as chancellor of the exchequer. Lord Eldon resumed the great seal; the earl of Westmoreland the privy-seal; the earl of Camden was made president of the council; lord Mulgrave was appointed first lord of the admiralty; the earl of Chatham master of the ordnance; lords Castlereagh, Hawkesbury, and Mr. Canning, were the secretaries for the war, home, and foreign departments: Mr. Robert Dundas presided at the India board; Mr. George Rose was made treasurer of the navy; Sir James Pulteney secretary at war; Sir Vicary Gibbs, and Sir Thomas Plumer, attorney and solicitor-generals, and the duke of Richmond succeeded the duke of Bedford in the government of Ireland.

Both houses were at first adjourned to the 8th of April, when lords Grenville and Howick entered into ample explanations respecting the causes of the late change in administration; and Mr. Brand, member for the county of Herts, moved, That it was contrary to the first duties of the confidential servants of the crown to restrain themselves, by any pledge, express or implied, from offering to the king any advice that the course of circumstances may render necessary for the welfare and security of any part of his extensive empire.' Mr. Percival freely admitted the proposition as true in the abstract, but contended that it must be taken in conjunction with circumstances. Mr. Canning declared, that this was the first instance since the time of king Charles I. that a sovereign had been judged at the bar of that house. The house at length divided, on the motion of Mr. Osborne for the order of the day; in favor of which the numbers were 258 against 222 voices.

Two days after Mr. Lyttleton moved a resolution in the house of commons, at the close of a short and able speech, 'That this house consider ing a firm and efficient administration as necessary at the present crisis, feels deep regret at the late change in his majesty's councils. But the first division was decisive; and after a vehement debate the order of the day was carried by 244 against 198 voices.

In these contentions the prince of Wales did not appear to take any interest; since the decease of Mr. Fox, indeed, his communications with the late ministers were believed to be much less frequent and cordial. The marriage of this great personage had, from causes imperfectly developed, proved very unhappy; and an early separation had followed what was at the time

regarded as a forced and reluctant union. The subsequent conduct of the princess was far from being so discreet and guarded as was requisite, under circumstances which required on her part more than ordinary prudence. In consequence of representations made to his royal highness, and by him to the king, a committee of council was appointed to investigate the charges against her, consisting of the law lords, Erskine and Ellenborough, with other distinguished peers. Their report acquitted the princess of serious culpability, though it admitted, as the evidence subjoined but too plainly proved, that her conduct was liable to the imputation of levity and indiscretion.

On the 27th of April 1807 the parliament was prorogued by commission, and dissolved on the 29th. It was not surprising that, on the general election which succeeded the dissolution of parliament, the cry of no Popery,' and 'the danger of the church,' was made use of for political purposes, and was found capable of inflaming the minds of the multitude.

It will be necessary now to revert back a little in our narrative, for the purpose of noticing some very important military and naval occurrences which took place during the year 1807, and in which England bore a conspicuous part.

The emperor of Russia having refused to ratify the treaty of D'Oubril, general Sebastiani was sent to Constantinople with a commission from the French government, to induce the Sublime Porte to declare war against Russia; in consequence of which an edict was issued prohibiting Russian ships of war the passage of the Dardanelles: when the British squadron, under Sir John Duckworth, received orders to force that passage, which he accomplished, and presented himself in hostile array before Constantinople. On the 20th of February one of the Turkish ministers came on board, professing an earnest desire on the part of the sultan of giving satisfaction; but the demand of the British admiral was no less than the delivery of all the ships of war belonging to the Porte. The negociation continued till the 27th, and this interval was diligently employed by the Turks, under the direction of French engineers, in erecting batteries on both sides of the long and narrow strait. The English admiral, now finding himself out-manœuvred even by Turkish artifice, thought only of retreat; and weighing anchor on the 1st of March he succeeded in forcing his passage through the straits, though not without incurring the most imminent peril. The castles of Sestos and Abydos, saluted him with the fire of vast blocks of marble, one of which, weighing 800 lbs., cut in two the main-mast of the Windsor man of war. The only effect produced by this attempt was to confirm the influence of France at the Forte.

But another attempt on the Ottoman power was more successful. On the 5th of March a force of about 5000 men was sent from Messina, under the command of general Fraser, of which, on the 16th a part anchored to the westward of Alexandria; and the troops having taken possession of the castle of Aboukir, and the cut between lakes Maadie and Mareotis, Alexandria capitulated on the 20th.

On the 27th general Fraser detached a body of 1500 men to take possession of Rosetta; but their commander incautiously marching into the town, without previous examination, the troops received so brisk a fire from the roofs and windows, that, after the loss of 300 killed and wounded, they found it necessary to retreat to Aboukir. Another corps of about 2500, under general Stewart, was now sent to erect batteries against the place; and, as a succour of Mamelukes was expected by the British, lieutenantcolonel Macleod was detached to seize a post in order to facilitate their junction. Many days passed in fruitless expectation; at length a great number of vessels were descried sailing down the Nile, which were not doubted to contain a reinforcement to the enemy from Cairo. Orders were immediately sent to colonel Macleod to return from his position; but they were unfortunately intercepted, and his detachment was cut off. General Stewart retreated, fighting all the way, to Alexandria; and this attempt on Rosetta cost 1000 men in killed, wounded, and missing. A formidable force of the enemy now approaching Alexandria, the inhabitants of which were also disaffected, a flag of truce was sent by general Fraser, offering immediately to quit Egypt with his army on condition that the British prisoners should be liberated, which was readily agreed to, and on the 23d of September the troops sailed for Sicily.

Reinforcements, under the command of general Sir Samuel Achmuty and admiral Stirling, having landed in the month of January near Monte Video, the general resolved to make an attempt on that place; and on January the 18th commenced the siege. The works were found strong, and were ably defended; but, a practicable breach being made on the 2d of February, it was resolved no longer to delay an assault. This was effected before day break on the next morning; and after a severe action, in which 560 of the assailants were killed or wounded, and more than double that number of the defenders, every thing was carried except the citadel, which soon after surrendered. The general, in his despatches mentions a circumstance highly to the credit of his troops, as well as of their commander, that early in the morning the town was quiet, and the women were peaceably walking the streets.' The prizes captured here were fifty-seven West Indiamen and merchantmen, besides several gun-boats and armed vessels.

About this time the ministry resolved to send out an expedition for the reduction of the whole province of Chili. For this purpose a force of 4200 men was placed under the command of brigadier-general Crawford, which sailed in the end of October 1806, accompanied by a naval force under admiral Murray. Intelligence of the re-capture of Buenos Ayres, however, having been received, an order was afterwards despatched for the expedition to change its object, and proceed to the river La Plata.

General Whitelocke had in the mean time been nominated to the supreme command of the forces in South America, and, leaving England in March, took with him an additional force of 1630 men, making the British in that quarter

amount to 11,000 rank and file; the object now intended being the reduction of the whole province of Buenos Ayres.

On the 28th of June the united force, to the number of 1800 men, was landed about thirty miles to the eastward of Buenos Ayres; and, after a fatiguing march, the different divisions assembled in the suburbs. On the morning of July 5th a general attack was ordered, each corps to enter by the streets opposite to it, and all with unloaded muskets. The greatest intrepidity was displayed in the attempt to execute this plan, which was so far successful that two strong posts were gained in the town, bu' at the expense of 2500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners; the fire from the tops of the houses, and every advantageous position, upon the exposed and defenceless troops, having been most murderous.

On the following morning general Linieres sent a letter to the English commander, offering to give up all the prisoners taken in this bloody rencounter, and also all those made with general Beresford, if he would desist from any further attack, and withdraw the British armament from La Plata; intimating, that such was the exasperation of the populace, he could not answer for the safety of the prisoners if offensive operations were persisted in. Whitelocke, influenced, as he said, by this consideration, and reflecting on the little advantage to be obtained from the pos session of a country absolutely hostile, agreed to the proposal. On his return home he was tried by a court-martial, whose sentence was, 'that he be cashiered, and declared totally unfit and unworthy to serve his majesty in any military capacity whatever.' In balance of these disasters, the Dutch island of Curaçoa was early in the year 1807 reduced by a small squadron under the command of captain Brisbane.

The new parliament assembled on the 22d of June 1807. The address from the throne was viewed in the light of a manifesto against a party in the state, and it therefore was not to be expected that it should pass without animadversion. Accordingly, in the house of lords, lord Fortescue moved an amendment, strongly censuring the measure of the dissolution of parliament, and the reasons which the new ministers had offered for its justification, which upon a division was rejected by a majority of 160 to sixty-seven. A similar amendment, moved in the house of commons by lord Howick, was negatived by 350 to 155; and a subsequent motion of enquiry into the state of the nation was negatived by 322 to 136 voices. In consequence of the distracted state of Ireland, bills were now moved for by Sir Arthur Wellesley, secretary to the lord-lieutenant, for the suppression of insurrection in that country, and to prevent the disturbance of the peace. Their necessity was admitted by Mr. Grattan. Lord Castlereagh at this time brought forward in the commons a new military plan, the object of which was to augment the regular army from the militia, and to supply the deficiencies accruing to the latter by a supplementary militia. A bill sent up from the lower house, against granting reversions of offices, was, on a division of fifteen peers to nine, ordered to be read a second time that day three months. This,