you must drop the negative where it is found in the Latin, and use it where it is not found in the Latin.

omnes.

EXERCISE 92.-LATIN-ENGLISH.

1. Exerceo. 2. Exercebam. 3. Exercebat. 4. Exercebo. 5. Gaudeo quod tu vales. 6. Præceptor gaudebat quod vos ejus præceptis parebatis. 7. Tibi placebas, aliis displicebas. 8. Virtutis honorem nulla oblivio delebit. 9. Exercui. 10. Græcia omnibus artibus floruit. 11. Laudo vos quod mentes vestras studio probe exercuistis. 12. Cur tacuistis ? 13. Tacuit puer repente. 14. Tacebat mater. 15. Tacent 16. Nisi virtutis præceptis parueritis, aditus in cœlum vobis non patebit. 17. Si cupiditates tuas coercueris, beatus eris. 18. Curo ut pueri mores emendem et corpus exerceam. 19. Moneo vos ut patris præcepta observetis. 20. Timebam ne vobis displicerem. 21. Cura ut pueri mores emendes et corpus exerceas. 22. Timebam Le inimicus mihi noceret. 23. Timuit puer ne tacuerit mater. 24. Cu25. Curabam rabam ut pueri mores emendarem et corpus exercerem. ut pueri mores emendares et corpus exerceres. 26. Curabam ut præ27. Timeo ut ceptor pueri mores emendaret et corpus exerceret. venias. 28. Timet maritus ne uxor occidat. 29. Timuit præceptor ut discipulus ejus verbis pareret. 30. Malus puer timet ne veniat præ. ceptor.

EXERCISE 93.-ENGLISH-LATIN.

1. He reminded me. 2. They reminded the king. 3. I might remind you. 4. You might remind me. 5. They have reminded the boy. 6. Thou wast reminding the woman. 7. I will remind the teacher. 8. Be silent. 9. Do you be silent. 10. Let them be silent. 11. The woman was suddenly silent. 12. Take care to improve. 13. Take care that thou improvest the morals of the citizens. 14. I fear he may displease thee. 15. The boys feared to displease their father. 16. He pleases all (persons). 17. A good man will displease the bad. 18. Why art thou silent? 19. They fear that Cæsar will conquer their country. 20. Good sisters fear (their) brothers will not be well. 21. Art thou well? 22. I fear thou wilt not be well. 23. If thou exercisest thy body thou wilt be well. 24. My mother fears an entrance into heaven will (may) not lie open to me.

As some of our readers may wish to know the meaning of the names given to the cases of the Latin nouns, we have given the following explanation of their derivation, etc.

The names of the cases in Latin are of Greek origin, as is the term case (πTwσis, pto'-sis, fall) itself. The nominative

I have.

Aditus, -ūs, m., access, entrance (E. R. an adit).

Deleo, 2, I blot out. Displiceo, 2, I displease.

Exerceo, 2, I exercise.
Floreo, 2, I flourish.

Gaudeo, 2, I rejoice.

VOCABULARY.

Gaudeo quod, I rejoice that.

Noceo, 2, I injure. Oblivio, -onis, f., forget. fulness.

Occido, 3, I fall, die.
Pareo, 2, I obey.

Pateo, 2, I lie open, I am open.

Placeo, 2, I please. Probe, honestly, properly Repente, adv., suddenly, Taceo, 2, I am silent (E. R. tacit).

timid).

Valeo, 2, I am well. Venio, 4, I come. Observe that, occasionally, forms of other conjugations, etc., than the one immediately under treatment, are introduced with a view to keep up the student's attention, exercise his ingenuity, and test his progress.

Rule. After verbs expressive of fear, ne is used with the subjunctive of the following verb. Ne is, in Latin, a negative, and may be often rendered by lest; it may, however, in construing into English, be altogether dropped, the ordinary connecting particle that, or that not, being put between the two verbs; for example

oalling on or addressing; and the ablative (ablatus, taken from) bears the name because it involves the idea of separation. In the Greek there is no ablative, the relations implied in that case being expressed partly by the genitive, partly by the dative.

me.

KEY TO EXERCISES IN LESSONS IN LATIN. - XIV. EXERCISE 81.-LATIN-ENGLISH.

1. I was praising thee. 2. You were blaming me. 3. The brother was judging. 4. I shall praise thee. 5. Thou wilt blame me. 6. The brother will judge. 7. I walked. 8. You watched. 9. The wind blew. 10. I had walked. 11. Thou hast watched. 12. The wind had blown. 13. I shall have praised thee. 14. Thou wilt have blamed 15. The brother will have judged. 16. When the soldiers were entering the city, all the citizens were full of fear. 17. When we were walking in the wood, a strong wind was blowing through the high oaks, while tranquil sleep refreshed you. 18. You were watching. 19. So long as you are (will be) happy, you will number many friends. 20. I shall always praise the good, and shall always blame the wicked. 21. If you fight energetically, O soldiers, you will deliver (liberate) your country from ruin. 22. If thou lovest virtue, all good men will EXERCISE 82.-LATIN-ENGLISH.

love thee.

1. Because you have always observed the precepts of virtue, you have acquired to yourselves great praise. 2. Why didst thou watch during the whole night? 3. I have always loved my teachers, hast thou not loved thine? 4. You fought energetically against the ene mies. 5. When the soldiers had entered the city, great fear seized the minds of all the citizens. 6. The narrative which you (had) lately narrated to me, had delighted me greatly. 7. When the hostile army had attacked the city, we had already gone out. 8. If you have adorned your mind with virtues you will always be happy. 9. When the enemies have laid waste the fields of our city, they will attack the

EXERCISE 83.-ENGLISH-LATIN.

1. Nos te laudabamus. 2. Tu me vituperabas. 3. Pater judicabat. 4. Tu me laudabis. 5. Ille te laudabit. 6. Pater nos judicabit. 7. Ambulästi. 8. Vigilavi. 9. Venti flavĕre. 10. Foris ambulabo. 11. Vigilas. 12. Ventus flabat. 13. Milites urbem intrabunt. 14. Milites urbem intrabant. 15. Milites urbem intrant. 16. Milites urbem intraverunt. 17. Milites urbem intraverant. 18. Vehemens ventus per domum flat. 19. Multosne milites numeras? 20. Multos numeravi amicos. 21. Patriam interitu liberavit. 22. Per totamne noctem vigilästi? 23. Amate præceptores. 24. Parentes amanto. 25. O pueri, amate virtutem. 26. Narratio fratrem delectavit. 27. Narratio puellas delectat. 23. Narratio patrem et matrem delectabit. Famam narratione interitus comparavisti.

EXERCISE 84.-LATIN-ENGLISH.

29.

1. It often happens that utility strives with honesty. 2. See that you sin not against the precepts of virtue. 3. All parents wish that their children may cultivate learning diligently. 4. We ought to live so as to (so that we may) preserve a pure conscience in everything. 5. The physician takes every care that he may heal the sick man. 6. I love thee that thou mayest love me again. 7. The general commanded that the soldiers should keep their posts. 8. I walked yesterday that I might gladden my sad mind.

EXERCISE 85.-ENGLISH-LATIN.

3.

1. Vide ne filius peccet. 2. Peccasne contra virtutis præcepta. Sapiens pater curam adhibent ne liberi peccent. 4. Duces curam adhibent ut milites stationes suas servent. 5. Curam adhibetis ne liberi peccent. 6. Bone matres curam adhibent ut liberi earum præceptis obtemperent.

EXERCISE 86.-LATIN-ENGLISH.

1. I doubt not that our soldiers have overcome the enemies. 2. I did not doubt that our soldiers had overcome the enemies. 3. I doubt not that our soldiers will overcome the enemies. 4. I did not doubt that our soldiers would overcome the enemies. 5. I did not doubt

that you would free your country from servitude. 6. There was no doubt that our army would easily endure all labours and hardships. 7. Who doubts that Hannibal fought most bravely against the Romans? EXERCISE 87.-ENGLISH-LATIN.

1. Nemo dubitat quin pro patriæ libertate acerrime pugnaturi sitis. 2. Nemo dubitat quin fortiter pugnaverit. 3. Nemo dubitabit quin fortiter pugnaturus sit. 4. Nemo dubitabat quin fortiter pugnavisset. 5. Quis dubitat quin milites urbem expugnaturi sint? 6. Dubium non est quin studeatis servare honestatem. 7. Non dubito quin pater

venturus sit.

EXERCISE 88.-LATIN-ENGLISH.

1. My friend, diligently take care of your health. 2. O boys, love learning. 3. Do not doubt concerning the immortality of the soul. 4. My son, always preserve a clear conscience. 5. Let the scholar love the teachers. 6. Praise the good, blame the wicked. 7. Do not praise bad boys. 8. Let all men love God.

EXERCISE 89.-ENGLISH-LATIN.

1. Curate, mei filii, matrem. 2. Carole, ne dubita de bonorum immortalitate. 3. Servate, liberi, conscientiam rectam. 4. Liberi amanto præceptores. 5. Mei amici, amatote Deum. 6. Carole, ne vitupera

HISTORIC SKETCHES.-XXVI. SUMMARY OF SKETCHES IN VOLS. I. AND II. It is proposed in the present paper not to draw a fresh sketch of any historic incident, but to present a summary of what sketches have been given already, to re-survey the ground over which we have travelled, and to point out the chief features of English history which have been deemed noteworthy in the first and second volumes of the POPULAR EDUCATOR.

Starting, as it behoved us to do, from the date of the first memorable event in the history of free England, we showed how the chief bulwark of English freedom, the Great Charter, was won. The miserable condition of the working classes, both artisans and labourers, was set forth, and it was shown how that the

care.

clergy of the day, with Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, at their head, had compassion upon them and strove to help them to some measure of liberty. How the result of their action fell short of what was intended was also shown, but the fruits of their striving were duly noted and commended as being very great. In the days of King John (1199-1215), the clergy were the friends of liberty, and ever sought to make free, in every sense of the word, those who were committed to their spiritual Stephen Langton had the address to gather up into his hand, and to direct the force of the men of the sword, the men who alone were capable of forcing concessions from the king, and he used his power to obtain for all free men privileges which hitherto had existed, if at all, by sufferance. Magna Charta provided protection for the persons and property of all free men, and established the right of free men to be exempt from all taxation which had not originated with, or been agreed to by themselves. It also provided for a Court of Common Pleas, wherein all suits of a civil nature between subject and subject were heard and determined; it forbade the infliction of ruinous fines for misdemeanours, and it laid the foundation of that fabric of political and social freedom which the exertions and wisdom of succeeding generations have reared in England. One thing, however, it failed to do. It did not give the people, not even the recognised freemen, admission or representation at the National Council, neither did it guard laymen against the tyranny of churchmen, nor make the churchmen give any security for their good behaviour. For this second matter, Henry II., some years previously, had tried to assert once and for ever the supremacy of the State over the Church; the course he adopted, and the wicked blunder by which his purpose was thwarted, are both described in our second historic sketch (Thomas à Becket and the Constitutions of Clarendon).

The omission of the framers of the Great Charter to procure representative authority for the people was probably intentional; the barons and great tenants of the crown could not brook the notion of any but their peers being associated with them in council. But half a century later, in 1265, it was found impossible to exclude any longer, from some political status, those who contributed so largely to the burdens of the country. Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, acting on behalf of liberty and of the English people, summoned in his king's name the first Parliament, in which counties and the large towns were represented by delegates chosen by the freeholders; and though, under the circumstances stated in Sketch XI. (Vol. I., page 350), it was subsequently attempted to repudiate the idea of representation, the ruling powers found it absolutely necessary, not only to recognise what had been done, but to systematise representation, and finally to erect into one of the permanent institutions of the land a House of Commons, acting in concert with, but independent of, the House of Lords.

In the first four sketches in the second volume, it was shown when and by what means Ireland and Scotland became parts of the empire, the deliberate policy by which Edward I. was guided in his obstinate endeavours to subjugate Scotland, and the almost accidental circumstances under which the disunited chiefs in Ireland allowed their country to fall a prey to the rapacity and desperation of a few Anglo-Norman adventurers. An attempt was also made to do justice to the efforts of those who at various times endeavoured to win back independence for their respective countries, and it was detailed how the struggle, continued down to comparatively modern times, was ended by union, arranged on terms agreed to by both sides.

The important part played by the Knights Templars, and other fraternities of military monks, in the history of Europe, formed the subject of Sketch X. (Vol. I., page 311), in which were also shown the origin and result of those vast wars of religious enthusiasm known as the Crusades, in which Christendom rose as one man upon the Moslem inhabitants of the East, and declared it to be "the will of God" that they should do anything and everything rather than that the country which had been the scene of our Lord's life and ministry on earth should remain in the hands of infidels. The good which flowed from many springs out of this evil was declared in the sketch, and it was shown how in this and other particulars of history, "God fulfils himself in many ways, lest one good custom should corrupt the world."

In Sketch V. (Vol. I., page 157) was shown the effect of wilfully keeping the people in ignorance, and of a system of legislation

by which even the nominally free labourers were reduced to a condition of slavery. The rising of the labourers in the reign of Richard II. was the natural outcome of the relation in which employer and employed had stood to one another since the Conquest; and though in its immediate result it fell far short of the good aimed at by the Commons, and even brought down upon the rebels a temporary aggravation of their lot, it gained for those most concerned the attention and goodwill of a section of the House of Commons, which was then daily increasing in power and importance. It showed, moreover, what strength there was in that great multitude known as the people, and wise statesmen laid the knowledge to heart, and utilised it later for the benefit of the multitude and of the nation. They relied upon it, with success, for carrying out the grand idea first practised, if not originated, by Simon de Montfort, of governing the nation by the nation, and not by a minute section of it; they used it to back up their pretensions to make the House of Commons master in England, a position the House actually did occupy under the very king whose personal courage so much contributed to the overthrow of Wat Tyler and his followers; they used it in the succeeding ages, down to comparatively modern times, in order to build up and strengthen that fabric of constitutional liberty which has been the growth of many centuries, which has been the subject of many struggles, even of civil war, but which secures to those under it all the liberty possible in the freest republic, without imposing upon them the inconveniences which seem to be inseparable from that form of government.

Our next sketch is from a period which seems to be common to all nations whatever, a period of active bigotry and superstition, when those who had spiritual charge of Christ's children in the land deemed it to be their duty to eradicate all differences of opinion in religious matters by a free use of the halter and fagots. The check which Henry II. tried to place on the clergy when he offered the Constitutions of Clarendon for their assent, was not only thrown utterly away, but the recoil of that famous piece of State artillery seemed only to make itself felt about the time the House of Lancaster came to the throne. A flaw in the title to the Crown the clergy agreed to wink at in consideration of recognition being accorded to them for all their claims; they procured the passing of the first Statute of Heresy, under which they burned and destroyed a great number of people, ostensibly with the object of saving their souls by the sacrifice of their bodies. The circumstances under which the first martyr for freedom of conscience-William Sautré suffered are depicted in the sketch bearing his name. He was the first of a long line of successors at the stake, some of them enthusiasts of the aggressive or demonstrative kind, some of them including among their number the gentlest and softest-hearted believers of their day. Though open persecution for conscience' sake virtually ceased with James I., the power to persecute was not taken away from the law till the reign of Charles II., wher the infamous writ de hæretico comburendo was formally abolished.

In the two sketches of Sir Richard Grenville and Sir Walter Raleigh, the object was to portray, as far as might be done in so limited a space, the men of action who made England's arm felt in the cause of political and religious liberty all over the world during the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The spirit which actuated these men was of the old heroic kind. They willingly renounced a life of case and pleasure, the sweet in fluences of home-life, the sunshine of the court, and the society of the most elegant and most brilliant men of the period, in order to pursue their ideal, the overthrow of the two incarnations, as it seemed to them, of royal and priestly despotism -Spain and the Roman Catholic religion. To this end they worked ever, Sir Richard Grenville representing the rougher and more uncompromising specimen of English doggedness of purpose; Sir Walter Raleigh representing in addition the refined man of learning, the elegant courtier, the thought ful founder of colonies, the man of science, and the speculator. What such men achieved, how they worked, fought, lived and died, constitute a large portion of the history of Elizabeth's reign. Space failed to allow of mention of more than these two. Had it not done so, it would have been our pleasant task to declare the wisdom, the valour, the devotedness, and the sucess of those many other splendid ornaments of the Elizabethan when the danger of England, and incidentally of all Pro

testant Europe, was greater from the assaults of foreign and domestic foes than it ever was before or ever has been since. It was due, under God's providence, to the marvellous array of individual power, focussed, as it were, into a common space, of which the Queen was the centre, that England and her brethren on the Continent came out of the struggle with Spain and the Papacy stronger for the war. Nothing short of a great self-sacrifice, entire, perhaps even exaggerated loyalty, and a responsible apprehension of the greatness of the interests at stake, could have effected this; and such qualities were possessed by the typical men whose sketches we have tried to draw-Sir Richard Grenville, who died rather than surrender, at the Azores; and Sir Walter Raleigh, whom a master, all unworthy of so noble a subject, put to death in Palace Yard by way of peace-offering to the offended majesty of Spain.

Our next three sketches, next in order of subject though not of number, are from the troublous era in English history known as that of the Great Rebellion. It was impossible not to take the sketches from several points of view, in order to give a better general idea of the whole subject. The three we have taken-"King Charles' Veto on Emigration," "Charles I., when the Commons cried 'Privilege!'" and "The Protector of the Commonwealth," are intended to give some idea of the state of England and of her politics at the great crises of her domestic sickness. In the first was shown the state of England when Charles I. began, with the advice of evil counsellors, that governmental system of "thorough," which had for its sole aim and object the elevation of the kingly power at the expense of all the constitutional powers that were equally valid with it. The almost blind way in which the king rushed headlong upon his fate is likewise foreshadowed; and in the second sketch of the three is shown both the height to which the idea of royalism had risen, and the temper in which the English nation, then faithfully represented by its House of Commons, first expected and then resisted the encroachments which absolutism seemed disposed to make upon its liberties. All the constitutional means known to the people were tried in the hope of bringing the king to reason, and though the applica tion of these was the occasion of some heat, it was supposed that an open rupture between King and Parliament might be avoided, until Charles himself opened the way to unconsti tutionalism by deserting London, which he declared to be unsafe for him to live in, and unfurling the royal standard at Nottingham, on which occasion he declared that the quarrel must be referred to the arbitrement of the sword, and set forward accordingly upon the path of blood.

The third sketch of the series shows the character and quali fications of the man who succeeded Charles in the government of the kingdom, and is intended to show both the good and evil of the Lord Protector's rule. That both were manifested there cannot be any doubt, and much of the evil was derived from the action rendered absolutely necessary by the excep tional state of things, by the need for severe repressive measures in the presence of numerous and never-ending plots for the subversion of the Government, and by the need which the new Government had constantly to assert itself. In the sketch an attempt was made to show not only the character of the Protector's government, but the character of the Protector himself, the cares he suffered, the weight of responsibility he endured, and the depressing sense he entertained of the utter hopelessness of what he was doing. The manner of his death was also mentioned, and one side of a contrast was established to show how different was the political influence of England and her place among the nations during the time of the Commonwealth, and the time which immediately succeeded it.

The restoration of the House of Stuart is said by some to have been allowed, in order to convince the nation of the utter impossibility of suffering its princes to sit upon the English throne. That Charles II. and his friends conducted themselves in a manner to forfeit the good opinion of all patriotic and right-minded men, and that this misconduct had its counterpart in every department of the State, are matters of general history; all that could be done here was to give one notable instance in which the Stuart influence permeated to and corrupted even the fountains of justice, and made the public tribunals a mockery and a byeword. The story of the Bloody Assize was added to show the entire hopelessness of the Stuart régime, and to explain the reasons which in 1688 led the English legis