article against Mrs. Trollope to prove the impartiality, of the periodical quoted, afterwards the editor says, in his own person, though I strongly suspect he uses even the language of his "correspondent"-" We regret the existence of unfriendly feelings to us among the French. France-our early friend has always been popular in America, through and with all her faults, &c." Again-"We believe now, that even the French government-party in France would have no inclination to attack us, if Americans abroad had pursued the same reserve in politics which we enforce upon Europeans here." All this is meant for me, and it all comes from the fact that I gave my testimony in favor of General Lafayette, when it suited the French government to affirm, in the face of Europe, that all our old friend had been saying for forty years, concerning the effect of our institutions, was false; and that, in fact, we paid more taxes than the French.

I do not believe that the editor of the Commercial, who passed ten years of his life in calling the French any thing but gentlemen, wrote the words "France has always been popular in America, &c." Rely on it, they are calculated; and come from his "correspondent." The "through and with" savor of the "to, at, and for;" nothing but a rear-guard to the main body. "The unfriendly feeling of the French," means of the French government-party, for the French, as a nation, are in a comfortable state of indifference as respects America and all it contains. The government hatred has been excited by the dread of a republic, which would, of course, be death to itself."The same reserve in politics we enforce from Europeans!" A residence in America about as long as mine has been in France, entitles the stranger to become a citizen. It is notorious that foreigners are constantly employed about the American press; as reporters in congress, and in a variety of ways that act on public opinion. When I left New-York a paper was published in the city that was openly called the Albion, and whose color was decidedly English. Now, we will suppose that the Globe, or any other government paper with us, should pretend to prove that England had a debt of thrice its real amount, and that the Englishman pays three times the taxes he does, will any man affirm that this Albion would hesitate about showing the truth, let the motive for the misrepresentation be what it might; or that public opinion in America would inflict a punishment for its so doing? Suppose an American had served England as Lafayette has served us, and that the motive was to crush this American, and you have a case completely parallel to my interference with the finance discussion. But to render the remark of the Commercial still more flagrant, one of the proprietors and editors of that very paper is, or was quite lately, an Englishman! I have seen some very extraordinary and some impudent transactions in my time, but I can recall none more flagrant than this of putting an American on his trial, at the bar of public opinion, and that, too, in his own country, for having told the truth in defence of General Lafayette, at a great pecuniary loss to himself, and without the smallest possibility of personal advantage. Every hour convinces me,

more and more, that we are a nation in name only, let Mr. Webster and Mr. Calhoun say what they please about it.

As respects the finance discussion, it is my intention, however, to publish its details, not for any interest I have in it personally, but from a wish to set the history of the part played by the agents of our government in foreign countries generally before the public. Nothing but publicity is needed to extort the corrective. The subject grows in my hands, and may make a small volume. If I help to produce a change in the tone of the agent abroad, I shall not have lived entirely for nothing. Europe will gain in rights, and we shall gain in character. Heaven knows how much it is wanted, even for the simplest purposes of true policy. We have a fair specimen of the effect of the nose-of-wax system, by the recent course of the French government. Here is a solemn treaty, duly ratified, to pay a certain sum on a certain day. Our bill is protested, under the pretence that there has been no appropriation. Now, the chambers have been in session near nine months since the ratifications were exchanged, and not a word has been said by the ministry on the subject. Would England, or Austria, or Russia, or Prussia, or even poor little Sardinia, be treated so cavalierly?

We flatter and play the courtier, and act on the all-things-to-all-men prin. ciple, when we should assume the frank attitude of the republicanism we profess, ask only what is right, and take nothing less. I may finish the little work over which we used to laugh so much a year since, but it has lain ten months untouched.

The editor of the Commercial has a naive avowal "that he might have hesitated to admit this attack, but for the knowledge that Mr. Cooper prefers the censure to the praise of the daily press." If I have this humor, it must be one of those tastes which are formed by habit. Were I to answer the editor, it would be in the words of the French saying" Il y a de la Rochefaucauld et de la Rochefaucauld."

How much longer America means to tolerate this slavish dependance on foreign opinion, without which editors would not dream of extracting remarks on ourselves from hostile journals, you are in a situation to know better than I. All the familiar thoughts and illustrations of English literature are in direct and dangerous opposition to our own system, and yet we are unwilling to support a writer in the promulgation of those that are in harmony with our profession, and which I think are abstractly true. The English in particular see and profit by this weakness. It is manifestly their interest to do our thinking if possible, that they may do other things for us that are more lucrative; and they are not scrupulous about the means employed to effect this object. They systematically attack and undervalue every man they believe independent of their influence, and extol those to the skies who will do their work. When all is done, they deride us for our folly, despise their instruments heartily, and respect those most who most respect themselves. John Bull,"through and with" all his faults, is at least manly, and has a great contempt for a dough face."

"

This letter was written to the very person who had sent me the name of the writer of Cassio, who knew that I had taken no steps to inquire into the affair previously to going to Switzerland, and who is now told that I had taken none since my return. A good deal of the letter is not published.

B.

Extract from the Commercial Advertiser.

REVUE ENCYCLOPEDIQUE.-We have received the October number of the Revue Encyclopedique. On a hasty glance at its contents, we discover two articles, which it may be interesting to our readers to notice.

The first is a brief notice of Cooper's Heidenmauer, in which the French Reviewer treats this last work of "our distinguished countrymen," with no small degree of severity, as will be seen :

"We clearly perceive, (says the Reviewer,) that Cooper has long ceased to dwell in America. It awakens no more recollections in his soul. It calls up no more poetical images—no more simple and original creations—no more descriptions so picturesque, so fresh, so attractive. He has become a quiet citizen, who no more quits the land. He has forgotten that other world, which he has made us so much love, the Sea-the sea with its infinite variety in infinite uniformity-the sea, with the sailors faith and boldness→→ the sea, with all the poetry of sublime nature united to the genius of man.-It is as melancholy a thing as death, to see this powerful inspiration depart -or rather exhaust itself upon itself. Walter Scott is no more, and Cooper also is no more, for we have known him only by his genius, and his genius is dead."

After a brief account of the work, in which the writer acknowledges that there is an occasional brilliancy, he concludes thus :

"I do not wish to analyze this romance, which every one has read. All must have been impatient of the often fatiguing prolixity of the descriptions, and of the singular prejudices of Cooper, which make him, on each page, while recounting the events of the sixteenth century, establish a parallel between the manners, belief, and political institutions of America and of Europe. Cooper does not speak of a site-he does not bring one of his heroes on the scene or describe the spirit of the epoch, without stopping to say'Oh! this is much better in America-you see nothing like this there?— It is easy to see that he is not interested in his subject, and that he must think of his own country to excite himself, and to arrive at the end of his book."

"I know not, indeed, why there is not in these men of genius a secret and benevolent voice, to bid them to cease, and tell them that they have done enough for glory, and that they must not sully beautiful and ravishing remembrances by the weakness of an exhausted talent, which has given all it could give to the world."

"I wish I had not read any of the romances of Scott, after the Fair Maid of Perth, nor any of Cooper's since his Puritan of America."

"

I hope, as to Cooper, that this may be the last work I shall read, and especially I wish it may be the last which I shall have to review."

By the Puritan of America, we presume, is meant the Wept of the Wishton-Wish, and we rejoice to believe that the most ridiculous of names has not travelled abroad.

A correspondent, whose letter accompanies the review, thinks the Frenchman has not hit upon the true cause of Cooper's incessant references to politics in his late works. "He has constituted himself," says our friend, "the literary antagonist of the monarchy, aristocracy and feudality of all Eu rope, and particularly of England, to, at, and for which last country he especially writes. He is an American (not a French) Voltaire, at Paris, (not Fernay,) and is undermining thrones and principalities, and changing the destinies of Europe. After all, perhaps the interests of mankind would not materially suffer, and his readers would be better pleased, if he would leave off the high-heeled buskin and become the mere good-tempered novelist once more." This vain of censure is rather severe, and we should have declined its insertion, were it not for the knowledge of the fact that Mr. Cooper prefers the censure, to the praise, of the newspaper press. Of this peculiarity of his taste he has taken care to inform us in the preface to the Heidenmauer, in which he says in so many words :—“Each hour, as life advances, am I made to see how capricious and vulgar is the immortality conferred by a newspaper!"

The second article of this review, to which we alluded, is on "The United States of America." It is an amiable and sensible article, vindicating us from the tory calumnies of England, and dispassionately commenting on our present political difficulties.

After some severe remarks on the English travellers in America, the writer says-" It is melancholy-it is humiliating to observe that this vile use of calumny, and of paltry spite towards America, which characterizes the sentiments of a certain party in England, has been imported among us; and that France, whose glory it is that she contributed to free America from the English yoke, has turned round and joined her old enemies to condemn the social grossness of the Americans. But is it not to the mother country that they owe, in a great measure, these coarseness of manners?

"All the sins which they can accumulate against that detested word-Republic-are lavished en masse, without rhyme or reason, on North America ; and all the vices and defects with which they reproach her are ascribed, without exception, to the equality, which reigns there and to the absence of an hereditary sovereign.

'This blind and unreasonable argument, we can conceive of and even respect in the mouth of an English tory, for with him loyalty and royalism form a species of religion. The superannuated sentiment of personal at

tachment to a royal race, which formerly prevailed universally in Europe, exists still in England, while it is extinct with us. If we have royalists, it is from reason and reflection that they are so if they maintain royalty, it is from the idea of its necessity or its utility. The right divine is an empty word to them—a farce at best, good only for the peasants of La Vendee.— The belief in the right divine naturally carries an English tory to condemn the name and existence of a republic, wherever he finds them, whether in history or in existence. But for our royalists from utility to launch the same anathemas, and affect the same disgust, is intolerable-it is acting fanaticism without the excuse of faith.

"This war of the tory critics, and of our 'juste milieu' against America is carried on, not so much by a regular attack on the political institutions of the republic, as by satire on the manners of the people. As it is no longer possible to deny that the Americans are well and cheaply governed, they undertake to prove that at least they are not a fashionable people—a proposition which is not difficult to demonstrate. But, granting that the want of elegance is a crime in a young nation, can they seriously blame the Americans for it? Would America have shunned this defect, by remaining tory, or by continuing to be governed by English viceroys for the last fifty years? If the States of North America had maintained the monarchy, would their manners have been softened? Would they have been less provincial, or less coarse? or rather, would not an English novelist a-la-mode, like Mrs. Trollope, have found much richer materials for caricature in the burlesque affections of the petty courts of their English viceroys."

"We are Americans enough to deny the very defect, which our friendly advocate would palliate, and verily believe that our countrymen are not comparatively deficient in elegance, if our English critics, who hold up to us the models of refinement-if Captain Hall and Mistress Trollope are, in their individual persons, 'the great sublime they draw.' But we sincerely regret the existence of unfriendly feelings to us among the French. France-our early friend-has been always popular in America, through and with all her faults, and we believed our feelings were reciprocated. Even the royalists, from conviction and feeling, have spoken well of us, and we remember, at this moment, an eulogium upon America, pronounced in the Chamber of Depu ties by Hyde de Neuville, the amiable minister, once resident among us→ himself an ultra-royalist. And we believe now, that even the governmentparty in France would have no inclination to attack us, if Americans abroad had pursued the same reserve in politics which we enforce upon Europeans herc."

Extract from the New-York Commercial Advertiser of April 11, 1834. During the whole contest (the election) it was both melancholy and amusing to see the immense number of foreigners who were driving up every moment to the marine court to get out certificates of naturalization.