privilege of addressing the first senate and house of representatives, chosen by the popular will, since Nebraska was elected to take her rank as one of the sovereign states of the Union. The position in which we stand to-day is peculiar to our national economy, and affords an instructive comment upon the character of our institutions and their adaptation to the needs of a progressive people. While in a territorial condition, we have, necessarily, been dependent upon the general government for social and civil protection, for the appointment of our executive and judicial officers, and for annual appropriations to defray the expenses of a territorial government. Now that the rapid increase of our population and the proportional development of our resources have given us sufficient strength and stability to dispense with the temporary guardianship afforded by the Organic Act while passing our minority in the family of the Union, we propose, quietly and peaceably, in accordance with numerous precedents afforded by other states, and in response to the invitation extended to us by an act of Congress of 1864, commonly called the Enabling Act, to take upon ourselves the responsibility of state government.

The auspices under which we ask, at the door of Congress, for admission into the Union, are extremely favorable to our future happiness and prosperity. The tide of immigration, checked for a season by the disturbing influences of the great civil war, is again pouring with increased momentum over the western banks of the Missouri, and now, although a year has scarcely elapsed since the close of the rebellion, our population has probably increased one-third; our prairies have been taken up with unexampled rapidity by enterprising settlers, and herds of cattle and fields of luxuriant grain change, as if by magic, the solitary wilderness to the appearance of civilization.

The question of state government, as it has been submitted to the people, has not been sprung precipitately upon them. No exception can with propriety be taken to the manner in which it has been brought before them. It has been thoroughly discussed; first by the territorial legislature that drafted the constitution, then by the press and by the people at large, and the result of the vote upon the state constitution evinces that a majority of the people of Nebraska deliberately prefer the rights and privileges appertaining to a state to the more imperfect organization of a territory. The objection to the admission of Nebraska by Congress, on the ground of a scanty population, cannot be urged with any appearance of consistency. At

the time of the passage of the "Enabling Act" by Congress in 1864, the population of Nebraska was estimated at 38,000. As no accurate census has been taken since that time, the exact increase cannot be stated, but from the returns of the assessment of 1865, from the great influx of immigration during the fall of 1865, and the spring of 1866, and from the number of votes cast in the recent election, sufficient data are presented to estimate, with probable accuracy, that it will not, by the time Congress can take action upon the question of her admission, fall short of 70,000. This, so far from being below the standard of new states, is really above the average. That it will be any grievance to the older states in the Union to give Nebraska a greater representation in Congress than is prescribed by law, is an evident fallacy. In apportioning representatives to other states, although a population of 120,000 is required for each member, yet several of the states have each a representative in Congress for a fractional part of the stated number, often less than the population of Nebraska. In addition to this, it will be found, upon reference to the census returns of the different states, that not only have the majority of them been admitted before their population was up to the standard of representation, from time to time increased by Congress, but in at least one case (that of Florida) a state has been represented for years, upon the congressional floors, by two senators and one representative, that has not at this moment a population exceeding that of Nebraska, and which has never in its history measured up to the legal standard. That the people of Nebraska and of all the territories, now or to be organized, would suffer injustice were it requisite to the admission of a state that she should have the number of inhabitants required for a representative is evident, not only from the foregoing statements, but from the guarantees given them in the treaty by the provisions of which Louisiana was ceded by France to the United States in 1803, and which embraces nearly all the states admitted since the treaty was made, and the present western territories, with the exception of those ceded by Mexico. In the third article of that treaty we find the following language, than which nothing can be more explicit and clear: "The inhabitants of the ceded territories shall be incorporated in the union of the United States, and be admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the federal Constitution, to the enjoyments of all the rights and immunities of citizens of the United States; and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of all their liberty, prop

erty and the religion which they profess." Now, what is meant by the expression "as soon as possible, according to the principles of the constitution,” if it is not to be interpreted, as soon as their wealth and population shall be sufficient to support a state government? It could not have been in contemplation that an inexorable sliding scale should be established, increasing from time to time, to keep pace with the development of older communities, to which each new territory must measure up or be kept out from her right of representation and self-government.

If the people of the Atlantic states could support their respective state governments with population ranging, in some instances, considerably less than that of our territory, then it reasonably follows that the time contemplated in the treaty, specified by this somewhat emphatic expression, “as soon as possible," has arrived for the state of Nebraska. While it is a subject of regret that the majority for the constitution was so small, yet an impartial examination into the causes that tended to decrease it will do away with most of the significance that might be attached to that circumstance. Nebraska, while sending her full quota of volunteers to the national army for the suppression of the rebellion, contributed very little in the way of direct taxation for the prosecution of the war. While most of the states were obliged to offer large bounties to induce enlistments, we were wholly exempt from such burdens, and the close of the war found us neither impoverished by heavy taxes nor weighed down with a heavy debt. The advantage thus enjoyed by our tax-payers over those of other sections, though really adventitious, carried great weight as an argument in favor of a territorial form of government to minds not accustomed to study much the science of political economy. Another argument used against the constitution was of a very different nature, and was found in the instrument itself, in the clause defining the extent of the elective franchise. But this vexed question seems now about to be placed beyond the reach of agitation by an amendment of the constitution of the United States which has already passed Congress, and now awaits the ratification of two-thirds of the states, which in due course of time will permanently settle the political status of the African.

Within the last two years the wealth of the territory has increased with even greater rapidity than the population. In 1864 the taxable property of Nebraska was returned as $11,000,000; in 1865 at $13,000,000. This year the returns already filed in the auditor's office indicate a total of

$18,000,000. The same ratio of increase will give us in 1867 the sum of $35,000,000; but taking into consideration the unprecedented increase of emigration, and the large amount of capital introduced by the rapid progress of our internal improvements, it will be safe to estimate the amount of taxable property in 1867 at upward of $40,000,000.

The railroad interests of Nebraska are assuming large proportions. The work upon the main line of the Pacific Railroad is progressing at the rate of one mile per day, and in a few weeks the track of iron will extend two hundred miles west to Fort Kearney. If the same energy shall be displayed till its completion, but a short time will elapse ere it will wind its way beyond our western boundary. This road completed, together with the various connecting branches, now in contemplation, or in process of construction to unite us with the great eastern roads and the gulf of Mexico, we shall have abundant facilities for transporting our surplus products to the eastern, southern and western markets. The importance of the early completion of these highways of commerce is not overlooked by our enterprising people, and must be felt even by a casual observer who should to-day cross our broad fields, where the cattle graze upon a thousand prairies, and the earth seems oppressed by the burden of ripening grain. Measures have been recently taken in several counties for the development of our mineral resources, and the present indications are that coal exists in inexhaustible quantities in Nebraska. It cannot be long in the natural order of things before the attention of capitalists will be directed to our mines and coal will in good time fill the breach caused by our temporary scarcity of timber.

To a community so comparatively wealthy as our own the burdens of a state government must be light; and when we take into the account the inevitable impetus to be given to emigration and the introduction of capital by the adoption of a state constitution, we can but come to the conclusion that financially we shall be upon a much better basis in 1867 with a state organization than in 1866 as a territory.

The duties of the present legislature, though important, will not probably occupy much time nor entail very much upon the treasury in the way of appropriations. Until the seal of legality is placed upon its records by our admission and consequent recognition by Congress, its action should be limited to the business actually necessary to put in motion the machinery of state. The election of United States senators, who shall, in conjunction with our congressional representative, present our petition at Washington, is of

-course the first and most important step. That your counsels will be guided by wisdom and patriotism, the fact that you come fresh from the people, to whom the issues of the day have been presented with distinctness and ability, seems to afford the strongest pledge.

The amendment to the Constitution of the United States, recently passed by Congress, and submitted to the action of the several states, to which I have incidentally referred, should, in my opinion, be acted upon during the present :session. It is the embodiment of the reconstruction policy of Congress-a policy long considered and carefully digested, and which is apparently the wisest, the most expedient, and the most conformable to the spirit of our institutions, of any that has been suggested, or that can be adopted. It gives a promise of an early solution to the main questions that have threatened the national life, and if fully carried out in letter and spirit, will, as I think, restore harmony and concord to the national councils and reaffirm in our Constitution the fundamental principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, that all men are created free and equal. It is not necessary for me to enter into the particulars of the amendment at present, as I shall take an early opportunity to communicate it to your honorable body.

Financially I am able to report the territory in a healthy condition. The light debt incurred by us during the Indian troubles, in defending our frontiers, forms the extent of our liabilities. Congress will, doubtless, in accordance with established precedents, reimburse us for our expenditures in calling out the militia against the Indians, as soon as our just claim shall have been properly represented. To these facts, and especially to the financial tact and energy of our present territorial administration, are we indebted for the gratifying fact that our bonds will bring in the market ninety-seven cents on the dollar. In this respect we have advantages not often possessed by a new state, and which will tend to alleviate any additional burdens that the change in our form of government may impose. There has never been in our history a finer prospect for an abundant harvest than at present. He who sends the "early and latter rain" has blessed us most abundantly, and to Him should our hearts go forth in gratitude for His many mer

cies.

We believe that the time is not far distant when the products of our soil shall make our name familiar in the commercial marts of the farthest clime-when our prairies shall be dotted with comfortable dwellings and tracts of