vocated Gen. Fremont as the first Republican candidate; in 1860, being in the Territory of Nebraska, could not vote for Mr. Lincoln, nor yet in 1864; in 1868 voted for General Grant; in 1872 for Horace Greeley, and canvassed extensively in the states of Nebraska and North Carolina; in 1876 canvassed in New York and Indiana for Mr. Tilden, and in 1880 in Illinois for Gen. Hancock, and in the same year was candidate for Governor of Nebraska and in 1884 worked and voted for Grover Cleveland.

In 1845 Mr. Tipton, then 28 years of age, was elected to the Ohio House of Representatives. In 1860 was a member of the territorial council of Nebraska, which answered to the state senate. In 1866 was elected to the United States Senate by the legislature of Nebraska and re-elected in 1869. In 1885 was commissioned Receiver of the United States Land Office at Bloomington, Nebraska.

From the above it appears that he cast his presidential votes for three Whig, two Republican, and four Democratic candidates, Mr. Greeley being an independent Republican endorsed by the Democratic party.

During his connection with the General Land Office in 1850, an opportunity for self-assertion and vindication drew from the young subordinate an emphatic refusal to answer questions relative to the conduct of a fellow-clerk who had fallen under the displeasure of the Honorable Secretary of Interior.

Hon. Secy. of Interior--DEAR SIR: Before I could answer
your interrogatories I would have to sink the dignity of
the man in the subserviency of the slave. Respectfully,
T. W. TIPTON.

CHURCH RELATION.

At a time when slavery was making its last desperate stand against freedom in the territories, and blood was freely flowing in Kansas, he made an effort to lay aside his political armor and enter the M. E. pulpit. Being then in his 38th year, a public speaker of much experience, allowing no man to think or act in his stead, he soon found what an utter failure he must become

in attempting to submit to the surveillance of presiding elders, or in approving the manipulating strategy of the episcopacy in ministerial assignments.

Soon, therefore, when called on to explain the mode of administration over his charge, and requested to be silent on the current topic of the times, his answer to the former question was: "My official members do as they please and I sustain them, and I do as I please and they sustain me." And to the latter: "I could not promise that to my father in his shroud." To a congregation he said: "While I occupy this desk you will have a free preacher, and all my words shall be free speech, and when you can no longer endure it, you may install a slave in my stead, and substitute for the Bible the Books of Mormon or Koran of Mohammed."

While between him and his people there was the most perfect accord, he deemed it prudent to decline orders, and requested the Conference to make up the record, "Discontinued at his own request," and at once adopted the democracy of the Congregational church government.

Coming to Nebraska in 1858, and elected president of Brownville College, an institution on paper, he organized a Congregational society of sixteen members, out of new and old school Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists and Congregationalists, which was dissolved by mutual consent when the war of 1861-4 unsettled residences on the border. Eligible to a chaplaincy, he entered the 1st Nebraska Infantry in 1861 and was mustered out of Veteran Cavalry in 1865, and on the same day was appointed United States Assessor of Internal Revenue by President Johnson.

During the war he was often in charge of subsistence and transportation for loyal refugees within the Union lines, and of applications for military emancipation of slaves.

On the 13th of February, 1864, at Batesville, Arkansas, Mr. Tipton addressed the Free State Convention ordered by Mr. Lincoln.

Chaplain Tipton was mustered out of service in July, 1865,

and on the same day commissioned by President Johnson as Assessor of Internal Revenue for Nebraska. He championed the cause of immediate state organization in the political campaigns that followed, and when the state constitution was adopted and the legislature met in special session on July 4, 1866, he and Gen. John M. Thayer were made the nominees of the republican party for the two United States senatorships. The journal of the joint session held on July 11, 1866, shows that a motion to proceed to election of U. S. senator for South Platte having carried, the first ballot resulted: T. W. Tipton, 29 votes; J. Sterling Morton, 21 votes. A motion prevailing to proceed to election of U. S. senator for North Platte, the first ballot resulted: John M. Thayer, 29 votes; Andrew J. Poppleton, 21 votes. So Nebraska came into the Union with two republican United States senators.

PEABODY MEDAL.

On the second day of the senate session, the following March, before the organization of the senate was completed, Mr. Sumner presented resolution No. 1, "Tendering the thanks of congress to George Peabody, with a gold medal, for having donated large sums of money to states and corporations for educational purposes." During the day he called it up and asked its immediate passage, which was objected to because it had not been to a committee, and there was no evidence before the senate on which the case was founded.

On the fourth day of the session Mr. Sumner delivered a speech, highly eulogistic of the donor, who had been in Massachusetts, lived in Baltimore and made most of his immense fortune by banking in London. In this he was followed by Johnson of Maryland, one of the ablest democrats of the nation.

Mr. Tipton was well aware that an opinion obtained, that a new senator should "sit at the feet of Gamaliel" during a probation and not dare to dissent from the great leaders on the ordinary questions; but in the case before the body he saw plainly a tendency to discriminate between private citizens, and to be

stow honors and medals where wealth was able to purchase, and he further believed that no jurisdiction should be taken by congress over any subject that was not national; and that the money from the treasury should never be taken and bestowed as gifts upon favorites. Up to this time he had not yet voted, and much as he desired to observe a modest silence, and acquire a knowledge of rules and precedents before appearing before his superiors in parliamentary knowledge and legislative experience, yet he could not consent to cast a silent vote and submit to an unfair criticism. Besides, Nebraska had not yet spoken in that august presence, and it was of the first moment that her representative should not place her in a false position.

NEBRASKA'S FIRST SPEECH.

His impromptu speech was as follows:

MR. TIPTON: It is not astonishing, Mr. President, that I should be solicitous in regard to the manner in which I should cast my first vote in this body. I acknowledge that solicitude on this occasion, and regret exceedingly that I feel impelled to say anything on this question at this time. Before I could vote for this resolution I should desire to understand most emphatically the position that was occupied by the donor during the time of our recent struggle for national existence. I am inclined, however, because of the source whence this resolution comes, to infer that all was right in that behalf; but I ask for no enlightenment on that point, because I am against the adoption of this resotion, not on account of any consultation with any member of this body, but from principle.

If I need any justification for my course on this occasion I desire it to be understood that, if I am the representative of any body on the floor of this senate, I am the representative of an humble constituency; with such a constituency on the frontier I have been and shall hereafter be identified; and when I know positively that I have constituents of as pure intentions in behalf of education and science and art as the grantor of this charity can be, and when I remember that some of them have done all that men could do in a private capacity, and when I see this gentleman making a munificent grant in a private capacity, I can not consent to shower on him the thanks and honors of the senate when I am not able to vote to the humblest of my

constituency who have done equally well, having done what
they were able to do; and he has done no more.

I hope now that on that subject I am understood, and will
be understood hereafter in all my future actions as a mem-
ber of this body. So far as the munificence of this grant,
as regards the amount is concerned, I concede it. Other
wealthy men of our country have granted by thousands and
tens of thousands, for educational purposes; and they have
received the thanks of the corporations, and the thanks of
states, and they will receive them again. If this grant had
been for educational purposes in Nebraska I should not
have come for a national endorsement for the grantor, but
should have secured that from the recipients of the charity,
from my own constituency in Nebraska.

If this were a national gift, if it stood on the basis of the Smithsonian grant, I would, as a matter of course, be willing to vote the thanks of congress of the United States; but it stands on no national position whatever and therefore that can not be claimed for it. In making this grant the donor, I understand, declared that he did it as a duty. If it is done as a Christian charity, as a Christian duty, he has his reward hereafter, and the consciousness of it here, and I am not disposed to doubt the ability of the Almighty to reward him to the utmost, and I do not suppose it is necessary for me to help the Deity out by granting a gold medal here. I prefer to leave him to his golden reward hereafter. I think he also says he regards it as a privilege to make this gift. Sir, it is a privilege, a privilege that few men will ever have; and the benefits of the privilege are great distinction among men here, honor after death, for having granted so much for so great a charity.

With this view of the question, impelled to it from a sense of duty, I cannot and will not make any distinction between the giver of a dollar and the giver of a thousand, and the giver of a million, when each in his sphere and in his capacity has done all that it was possible for him to do in behalf of education, science and general literature.

On the final passage of the resolution the only votes in the negative were those of Grimes of Iowa and Tipton of Nebraska.

DEMOCRATIC UTTERANCE.

Eight days from this date Mr. Tipton showed his willingness to stand by a democratic utterance and as promptly to retort a republican sarcasm, while he forecast radical sentiments intensi