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March 5th, 1875-81 and 1887-93.

The oath of office as a senator of the United States was administered to Mr. Paddock in a special session of the senate March 5th, 1875.

Mr. Morton, of Indiana, a prime factor in the Republican party, almost amounting to a political dictator, moved the admission of P. B. S. Pinchback as senator from the state of Louisiana, on an election two years previous, and from one of two rival legislatures. The case having gone over to the first regular session of December, 1875, Mr. Paddock made it the subject of his maiden speech, having only previously occupied the attention of the senate with a few incidental remarks relative to the expenses of the admission of Colorado as a state.

Having promised that if the contest were purely political, or reduced to a choice of the "lesser of two evils" he would sustain the present applicant, he then set forth in most unequivocal terms his view of party duty in the existing emergency.

Mr. President-As it is mainly an issue between Mr. Pinchback and the law, I shall vote for the law as I understand it. Albeit, I have not arisen to make a legal argument. That indeed, sir, would be a work of supererogation on my part after the weary years of very able discussion that have already been given to this question. I shall not so consume the time nor so abuse the patience of the senate. I desire only to say a few brief words in a spirit of the utmost kindness, sincerity and candor to my republican brethren in the senate and out of it as well. In my opinion, sir, the republican party will not be strengthened by the admission of Mr. Pinchback under the election upon which he bases his claim. A suspicion, almost a conviction, sir, pervades the public mind everywhere that this selection was

altogether a farce. Indeed, sir, very many republicans,

some of them in this chamber, more of them outside, who
have carefully examined all the law and all the evidence,
anxious to discover therein the proper warrant of authority
for Mr. Pinchback's admission to a seat in this body, have
been forced to the conclusion that it cannot be found.

Moreover, sir, the whole case is so closely related extrinsi-
cally to a condition of political affairs in Louisiana which
is admitted on all hands to be so deplorable, while in and of
itself, it has so few of the elements which the people are
sure to require before they give to it their approval, and
it is withal immediately environed by complications so un-
republican in character, that in my humble judgment we
had better let it alone entirely. I say this, sir, with the ut-
most deference for the opinions of the very able patriotic
senators here who think otherwise. And, sir, I wish it to
be distinctly understood that, in what I may say upon this
question, I disclaim utterly any intention to impugn the
motives or to criticise the action of any senator upon this
floor. I accord to all what I claim for myself: a conscien-
tious desire to discharge faithfully an important public

In further uttering a note of warning, he said:

The people admire genuine manhood in the individual; they demand its fullest aggregation and development in a political party. The republican party learned this long ago. By its own acts alone will it be judged at the bar of public opinion and receive the approval or condemnation of the public as it may deserve.

As the blood of the emancipated race flowed in the veins of the Louisiana senator elect, Mr. Paddock declared he did not believe the admission of that officer would advantage the negro population.

They can make no greater mistake, sir, than to insist that the republican party, their natural ally and friend, shall take part with them in aggressive political movements which may be attended by many irregularities and surrounded by illegal complications.

The supremacy of the republican party, sir, must depend altogether upon the acceptability of its policies to the intelligent and the law abiding people of the great North. They, sir, will give much to the colored people of the South for defensive, but nothing for offensive warfare.

This initial effort of the new senator from Nebraska "drew the fire" of several distinguished political marksmen, who indulged in the phrase "our lecturer," and evoked from General Logan, of Illinois, the declaration-"I do not feel like sitting

here and being lectured by a republican on account of the vote I shall cast." The resolution of admission was never adopted. Having entered into a defense of his party it was an easy and natural transition to the defense of emigrants and of his own constituents in the vicinity of Indian reservations.


MR. PADDOCK: There ought not to be a single day's delay in considering this question. It seems to me that the senate ought to take up the matter to-day and conclude it. The fact is patent to all that these people are already there in large numbers, and that there is bloodshed, carnage, and destruction of life and property by this savage tribe which contests the advance of civilization.

Action ought to be, and must be, had at once, and while I am up I must be permitted to say that it has been a very fashionable thing here to reflect upon the brave and enterprising people on the frontier who have sometimes pushed forward into the so-called Indian country; but it should be remembered by our friends in the East that our friends on the frontier are only following the illustrious examples that have been set long before. They are only doing that which was done by the Pilgrim Fathers when they landed on Plymouth Rock, and by those who afterwards, following their example, went into Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and other sections, repeating the history that had been made before.

It is utterly impossible to restrain the American people when opportunities are presented to advance their fortunes. The same spirit of enterprise impresses all, whether they reside in New England or Nebraska.


During the 44th Congress Senator Paddock was called upon to sit as a member of a High Court of Impeachment, for the trial of W. W. Belknap, who as Secretary of War during General Grant's administration, in 1876, was charged by the house of representatives with having corruptly received large sums of money for appointing a post trader at Fort Sill.

The case finally turned upon the plea, that before the case was filed in the court of impeachment (the senate) Secretary Belknap tendered his resignation, which was accepted by Gen

eral Grant, and therefore became a private citizen, and not amenable to removal from office.

When the name of Senator Paddock was called he responded:

Believing that neither the written words of the constitution nor the spirit of our republican institutions warrant the impeachment of a private citizen when impeached, and further believing that the questions of fact go hand in hand, always inseparable, to final judgment, without reference to the facts as charged in this article, I vote "not guilty."

With the opening of the 45th congress it was evident, from his committee assignments, that Senator Paddock would have ample opportunity for a vast amount of work, being made chairman of the committee on Agriculture, and second upon that of Public Lands and Enrolled Bills, and third upon that of Post Offices and Post Roads.

Early, therefore, he is found in an animated contest with the senators of Colorado and the greatly distinguished Judge Thurman, of Ohio, relative to the Union Pacific Railroad and branches.


But by far his most elaborate and critical effort was his speech upon agriculture, as the foundation of national wealthas to the number of our population employed by it, and its reasonable demands for government aid. In a single year, when our total exports amounted to $739,971,739, the amount resulting from agricultural products equaled $536,038,951. This discussion involved the protection of crops and fruit from destroying insects, domestic animals from such diseases as cholera, pleuropneumonia and rinderpest; and their cheaper transportation to market and the opening up of numerous friendly ports for their reception.

The establishment of forestry as an aid and an agricultural education, and liberal enactments relative to the introduction of raw materials all came in for incidental prominence. On the latter point he said:

Now, I, myself, was educated in the political school of
Henry Clay, and while I yet think that in some cases and in

some circumstances protection through high revenue tariff
may answer a good purpose, I am forced to believe that for
the states that are exclusively agricultural it may be on the
whole an injurious policy. I speak now only of and to those
states. Undoubtedly we would be immensely benefited if
all raw materials used by the skilled labor of the country
in the manufacture of articles absolutely necessary to the
wardrobe of the farmer, the laboring man, and their
families; and all articles of food, not luxuries, could be ad-
mitted free of duty.

In his opinion the exigencies of the case demanded more intelligent farmers in congress.

I say this, Mr. President, with all due respect for the 300 lawyers, more or less, who to-day occupy seats in the two Houses of Congress. All things that are possible for any one are possible for him, and yet his class rarely has direct personal representation in the great executive and legislative offices of the government. The answer is easy. It is because farmers are satisfied with giving to their children only inferior education when it is apparent that of all the youths of the land they should secure the most careful training, the most thorough, the most general instruction,

In this congress there occurred an occasion away from the dryness of statistical statement, and bitterness of political contention, in which sentiment deposited its treasures, genius wove garlands, and rhetoric twined them about the monumental shaft. The event was the memorial services in memory of Senator Morton, renowned "War Governor" of Indiana.

In Mr. Paddock's contribution of affection occurs the following:


MR. PADDOCK: Mr. President-I never saw Senator Morton arise to address the senate during our brief service together here when I was not oppressed with the fear that it might be his last effort in this chamber. Indeed he appeared to be as one standing ever in the very shadow of the uplifted hand of the Angel of Death, ready and waiting for the always impending, the always expected blow. He rose from his chair with great difficulty and often undoubtedly with much pain. Frequently while speaking he was compelled, from sheer physical exhaustion, to resume his seat; and some of the greatest efforts of his life were made while

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