speeches, he had addressed the senate 164 times, independent of twenty written reports and of the presentation of one hundred and twenty-nine bills, nine of which passed the senate. Being succeeded by C. H. Van Wyck, in 1881, whose term expired in 1887, Mr. Paddock devoted the interim as an active member of a commission established for the suppression of polygamy in Utah.

On his return to the senate in December, 1887, at the commencement of his second term of six years, Mr. Paddock made a vigorous attack upon the Post Office Department, claiming that the interests of the West had been overlooked in behalf of the South and East.

From a long, compact, and statistical speech we have a description in terse language of the "Average American"

Mr. President-The average American citizen is a man of broad views, strong in purpose, intensely patriotic, aggressive and enterprising. He is proud of his country and its institutions, he demands of the governing power that it shall be the aggregate personification of what he himself is, and the party having the responsibility of administration which refuses great opportunities, when properly presented, to increase the wealth and prosperity, the power and the glory of the Republic, and spends its time in trying to save a dollar in the purchase of tape and tabs and wrapping paper, will surely come to grief when the people who are the sovereigns can reach it through the ballot box. I beg to warn our democratic friends that the deluge is at hand, and there will have to be some very lively swimming on their part or they will go down beneath the waves of popular disfavor and distrust, which their own administration has set in motion by its incompetency and its blunders.

On a bill for a bureau of Animal Industry, and to facilitate the transportation of live stock and to extirpate contagious pleuro-pneumonia, he delivered an able speech, covering the constitutional power and national necessity.

In it he said:

Mr. President, it would be impossible to estimate the importance of this subject. In a comparatively few years pleuro-pneumonia has cost the country directly and in

directly $10,000,000. Within ten years the losses from hog
cholera have been estimated at the enormous sum of $300,-
000,000 or more. We have today 125,000,000 farm animals
at the mercy of infectious diseases which commonly affect
herds and flocks. In western Europe a single epidemic of
the rinderpest swept away 30,000,000 head of cattle, of the
estimated value of $1,500,000,000. France alone during the
last century lost 10,000,000 head of cattle from malignant
diseases. In the years from 1856 to 1862 lung fever and
epizootic cost Great Britain over one million head of cattle
worth $50,000,000; and eighteen months in 1865-66, from rin-
derpest $10,000,000 more were added to the cattle losses of
the same country. The national government must deal
with this matter; congress cannot shift the matter to the
States. One method in one state, another system in an-
other, and none of any kind in many, with non-co-operation
between all, will not do.

At the end of this congress he had addressed the senate sixteen times-introduced forty-five bills of which twenty passed the senate and twelve became laws, and while active on the committees on Agriculture, Lands and Pensions presided over that of Mississippi River improvements.

With the opening of the 51st congress, having had eight years of experience in national legislation, Mr. Paddock was so well equipped for greater works and more extended discussion, that the merest reference, by fragmentary quotations, is all that can be given of numerous valuable speeches.

WESTERN MORTGAGES.

On the subject of western mortgages we have:

Mr. President-I want to record the statement here, that not to exceed 1 per cent. of the mortgage indebtedness, if so much as that, of my State, represents actual losses in the prosecution of agricultural industry. Indeed, I believe that seven-eighths of the mortgage indebtedness of that State represents purchases made through deferred payments among those engaged in agriculture, who have found it advantageous to themselves to acquire additional tracts of land, or to increase their flocks and herds. I wish to say that the representations which have been made, published and spread broadcast over the country in newspapers and in public speeches during the past year by certain pessimists

and demagogues respecting the indebtedness of the agri-
cultural class in my State, were cruel in their character at
least, a libel upon my State and its farmers, and in all
respects villainously false.

UTAH.

Having been a member of the Utah commission, the senator took great interest in everything relating to the material interest of the Territory. Advocating an appropriation for a public building he said:

It is well known, I suppose, by the senator from Kansas, it is certainly by Western people generally, that Salt Lake is at the present time one of the most prosperous and one of the most rapidly growing cities in the West, and that it has a population to-day of fully 50,000. It is the great leader among the cities of the West, second only to Denver and Omaha of the cities between Chicago and San Francisco. It is a city which undoubtedly within five years will have a hundred, or more, thousand people.

INDIANS IN REPOSE.

A senator having dwelt upon hunger as the cause of Indian outbreaks, was answered as follows:

While I am up I should like to say a single word with reference to this theory of the hunger of the Indians. It is well known on the frontier by those who know something of the Indian character, and particularly the Indian appetite, that the Indian is always hungry until he is filled to repletion, which means to be filled up to his chin. Whenever there is a depression or settling down of this inside lining he immediately becomes hungry, and so whenever he appears anywhere or anybody interviews him in respect to the condition of his appetite, he is ready to state that he is hungry, if he is not full to overflowing from a very recent filling.

TARIFF.

In the tariff discussion of 1890, of which came the celebrated McKinley bill, Mr. Paddock sketched the rise of the Republican party, its enactment of that measure, the reign of peace demanding its modification, benign results of protection to general interests, and its vindication in the sudden and astounding growth of the western agricultural region. Yet he frankly admitted:

That the people of the West begin to think that if a number of the most protected of these industries are ever to learn to stand alone, their hands should soon be forcibly released from the skirts of high protection, to which they so persistently cling.

In accordance with legislative instructions he voted for "free lumber," and for free machinery for the sugar beet manufacturers, during their infancy. The bill as passed in the senate, having been modified in a committee of conference, received his condemnation:

As I would have voted as a republican for the bill as it passed the senate, so I shall vote now against it as a republican. I must do this regardless of consequences to myself, and in honest compliance with what I believe to be representative duty.

In the closing hours of the 51st congress, three days before adjournment, having for three years assisted in perfecting a bill for the suppression of all manner of adulterated food, drugs and drinks, the senator is found delivering a two hours' speech, being a comprehensive analysis of congressional and parliamentary reports, sustained by chemical research and the local laws of numerous states, with memorials of trade associations and dairy commissioners, Farmers' Alliance appeals and pure food associations all over the land. Although the motion to attach the Pure Food Bill to an appropriation bill failed, yet a very valuable contribution was made to the literature of the senate and the way opened up for future triumph.

CONCLUDING PARAGRAPHS.

Mr. President, this measure is to uphold and enforce commercial honesty, the pride of respected and respectable merchants; commercial confidence, which is the foundation of trade; business integrity, the prime basis of commerce. The demand comes finally from the great agricultural class of the country, whose products are depreciated in value by hundreds of thousands of dollars annually, while they are robbed of millions through the sophistication of the articles of food consumed by themselves and their children. I assure the senate that the men for whom my associates and myself speak will not be satisfied with hair-splitting techni

calities of constitutional interpretation, applied to bolster
up and support the swindlers and the cheats whom this
measure will expose and bring to justice.

This congress of 304 days, next to the longest ever held, found Mr. Paddock at the head of the agricultural committee and eclipsing all previous records of bills, reports and speeches, presented and delivered.

The length of the session was not disproportioned to the value of the themes acted upon, nor were those which were enacted into law superior to many that remained in committee or went over on the files of the House.

During the last hours of the 1st session of the 52d congress, Senator Paddock was found again contesting with Senators Coke, of Texas, Bate, of Tennessee, and Vest, of Missouri, for the passage of his specialty, the Pure Food Bill.

He denied utterly the charges of the two former "that thousands and tens of thousands of officials would be required" in the enforcement of the law, whereas only such articles as are the subject of interstate commerce were to be analyzed. thought his opponents were "more troubled about cotton-seed oil than about the constitution."

He

He repelled the assumption "that the people themselves, who had almost universally demanded it, had been moved chiefly by the desire to have inaugurated a cheap, nasty, political scheme for corrupt partisan uses." After an argument as to the constitutional power, and numerous citations from eminent authors and demands from the manufacturers for the passage of the bill he closed with a cogent appeal:

Mr. President, in conclusion I appeal to senators to help, so far as they may be able, in this particular sphere of their legislative activities, to enact this law.

In the name and in the interest of public morality, I appeal to you to set legislative bounds beyond which the wicked may not go with impunity in this corrupt and corrupting work.

Let us help by our action here to protect and sustain in his honorable vocation the honorable producer, manufacturer, merchant and trader. In the interest of the great consuming public, particularly the poor, I beg of you to make an honest, earnest effort to secure this legislation.