no question about the number of the people and there is no
question about the necessity of the measure.

These men at the Hills live more than seven hundred
miles by the nearest traveled route to the capital of their
present territory, and there is only one judge allowed there
and he has to go and sit with the others when they are
holding what they call their Supreme Court. Now if we
do not give them this organization you see the trouble
there will be, you see the difficulty in carrying out their
laws, of having the order that belongs to a people in a
region like that. This country has been liberal to people in
that way when they go out and become pioneers. We form
territorial governments for them and these people only ask
the same that has been granted to others. This territory is
made up of parts of three other territories.

The committee's report referred to placed the value of the gold product of 1876 at $2,000,000, and that of 1877 at from $4,000,000 to $5,000,000; and represented rich valleys, and heavily timbered mountains.

PURITY OF ELECTIONS.

In the 46th congress, an effort being made to repeal certain election laws, Senator Saunders volunteered an argument for the purity of elections:

Why, Mr. President, is all this clamor for a repeal of these laws at this time?

Has any body or set of men, anywhere, asked for it?. Has any damage been inflicted upon anyone, anywhere, to call for such legislation? Has the President at any time used the army, or have the United States marshals by his order used their authority, in any way that should call forth such persistent efforts to make these changes at this time? I answer, nothing of the kind. What then does all this mean to which we have listened so patiently and so long, and which is in fact exciting the suspicion and disgust of the intelligent masses of the North? Do gentlemen on the other side know that they are suspected of removing the possibility of having a Federal officer at the polls, in order that a free use might be made of the shotgun and revolver to deter one class of citizens, and those in many instances in the majority, from exercising their rights at the polls. These unfortunates, though outnumbering their opponents in some of the southern states, are poor, timid, and unarmed. Free they are, so far as being able to call body and

soul their own, but I aver they are not free to enjoy their
political rights under the constitution and the laws. The
right which, under a Republican form of government, does
most to make a man feel that he is a man, is partly taken
from them now, and I fear will be denied them absolutely
if the policy under consideration prevails.

A few years ago in the other end of the capitol might
be seen on the left of the speaker's stand quite a respectable
number of the dusky sons of the South who were there to
represent, among others, their own race. But where are
they now? Gone! Why? Is it because the colored majori-
ties in the states referred to do not want their wishes rep-
resented in the congress of the United States? Certainly
not. The reason of their absence is too well known to us
and to the country to need a statement from me.

Elections as they are now conducted in the South may be fair and free, but it will be hard to make the people of the North believe it while the South is solid in support of the Democratic party, when it is well known that in several of the states the colored voters are in the majority and strongly in favor of the Republican party, as the one that struck off their shackles and let them go free.

Here he quoted from a message from the President showing why and how the civil and military power of the government should give protection in sustaining the freedom of the ballot. Continuing he said:

I believe in a government with power to sustain itself. I believe the constitution gives the government that power. I believe the people of this country intend that this government, the creation of their own wisdom, enriched by their own sacrifices and cemented by their own blood, shall have in itself power not only to compel the respect of foreign nations, but of domestic traitors. In other words, I believe in leaving with the government to-day and for the future as much power as it had when it crushed rebellion and received its final surrender at Appomattox. I believe it is the hope and desire of every true American citizen that armed troops, or any other body of armed men, may never be seen at the polls; but at the same time I do not believe that any true and loyal citizen of the country desires to see the power lessened whereby the government is enabled to uphold and sustain itself.

Other positions taken, amplified and sustained, the following conclusion was reached:

"Let well enough alone" is a common but very expressive saying, and one that this congress might with great propriety and good effect adopt at this time. Let us wait till we are asked by somebody to change the laws which have had such peaceful and, as I believe, beneficial effects, before we strike them from our statutes.

TAXATION AND TARIFF REFORM.

During the 1st session of the 4th congress we find the senator heartily engaged in an argument for a reduction of internal taxes upon matches, because as he said:

They have become a necessity of the people and yet they are taxed at such a rate that the consumer pays at least 200 per cent. more than the articles cost to manufacture. The tax brings in about $3,000,000 to the Nation. It would be a great relief to the consumer if such a tax were taken off or this law repealed. Then take off the stamp tax on bank checks and drafts. That amounts to about $2,000,000 a year. While I am not an advocate of free trade, I am equally opposed to a high protective tariff simply for protection without regard to the article or industry to be protected. Two months later he urged the same procedure:

At the beginning of this session I took occasion to say I was opposed to a tariff commission because I wanted congress to take hold of the matter and reform the tariff itself. Now more than one half of the session has passed and we all know that nothing will be done unless it be to take hold of the smaller items. Therefore I have made up my mind that this commission can at least do us no harm and may do some good. Hence I shall vote for the commission and try the experiment. Here for instance is sugar. We are collecting about $40,000,000 a year on sugar, one quarter part, or one fifth part, of all the money paid for sugar by the consumers of this country; it is a tax direct on them and yet we are not touching it.

Four months later he said of a House Bill:

But the trouble is, it does not go far enough; it does not reach down to the great masses who are the producers, but who are also in many particulars the great consumers and who are therefore the heavy taxpayers.

I am not willing to defer for a moment longer than is necessary to adopt the proper legislation, the lessening of the taxes on such articles as sugar, Bessemer steel, matches, etc.

Railroad companies who purchase the steel count the cost among the other items of the expense of construction and on which they ask such earnings as will reimburse them. That the tariff on Bessemer steel is too high is proven by the fact that in England they can make and sell this steel for $33 or $35 per ton, while in the United States duty on the same is fixed at $28 per ton.

Glad as I would be to see this congress adjourn and allow us to return to our homes to spend the warm season, still I would insist on the relief sought in the bill now before the senate even if I have to remain here till the frosts of the fall shall come to cool the atmosphere in order to effect it.

INDIANS.

The subject of Indian affairs being before the senate, Mr. Saunders engaged in a very spirited running debate with General Logan and finally wound up as follows:

MR. SAUNDERS: I think the bill referred to by the senator from Illinois is right. I voted for it. The senator seems to doubt whether he voted for it or not.

MR. LOGAN: Perhaps I did vote for it, Mr. Saunders. I did for the reason that if a half-breed had a right to trade in that country in a different way from the white men it would encourage the business of raising half-breeds among the Indians, a thing which I thought the congress of the United States ought not to encourage; and hence I proposed that the half-breeds should go through the same ordeal that a white man does before being a trader, and that he should be required to give bonds for the faithful performance of his duty, for properly obeying the orders of the agent at the agency the same as a white man.

MR. SAUNDERS: I think that was right. I want it understood that I favored that. Now, while I am on the floor I will venture to say that I agree with very much and with the most that has been said by the senator from Illinois.

I believe we have made a mistake by undertaking to teach the Indian letters in place of labor. We ought to have commenced at the other end and taught them how to work out their living and gradually brought them into letters and attempted to make good scholars of them. If there is any one subject that I ought to know something about more than some other people from other parts of the country, it is the Indian subject. I have been with them and among them and near to them all the days of my business life, and I am convinced that the course now pursued,

if properly carried out, will in the end result in good to the
Indians and in no harm to the whites.

The Indians must be taught how to take care of stock,
how to take care of their farms, and for that reason, I
brought in an amendment last session setting apart a school
house that belongs to the government of the United States,
in my own state for the purpose of teaching Indians. I stated
at that time that it should not be erected in the neighbor-
hood where the Indians lived. You want to take them, as
the senator from Illinois said, away from their homes,
where they will not be surrounded by their people, because
their parents and others around the camp will not allow
them to speak our language. I am not one of those who be-
lieve we want to send all the Indians to the eastern schools
and give them all book learning. Give them a trade; teach
them to manufacture goods, to manufacture wooden ware
and the like. They can do it just as well as any other peo-
ple. They are rather an industrious people, so far as the
women are concerned; they labor and make moccasins and
other things for sale and do the work better, or at least as
well, as any white people.

If you encourage their men in the same way, lead them out, give them property, let them call it their own, divide up the land and give it to them in severalty, so that they may have a title as we have, you will give them encouragement that they have never before had in this country.

I speak from what I know on this subject. I have visited some of the Indians in my own state, and they say, “Why cannot we have a title to our own lands, the same as you white people have? You do not give it to us." I am glad to know that one step has been taken in the bill passed by the senate a short time ago for the purpose of dividing out the lands of these people. I believe that is right.

Then, I know further that these same Indians are now being trained in the arts of farming, so that they are selling grain. I saw them myself hauling grain to Sioux City some distance from their own homes and they were taking it to market the same as white men.

Speaking of this matter of Indian Affairs, a correspondent of the Chicago Times, in May, 1886, said:

Another of his acts while in the senate was to secure a labor school for Indians on the Pawnee reservation in Nebraska. He was one of the commissioners appointed by the government to visit the various tribes of Indians for the purpose of passing on the advisability of turning the man