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in 1880 to 1,228,493 in 1893, and on account of the low price of that commodity in 1893 as compared with 1880, the production as to value was $4,275,156 in 1893, as against $9,433,554 in 1880. Corn, as to Nebraska, is a more natural crop than wheat. I will not now speak of the production of beet sugar, having fully discussed that question a few days ago.

The State has increased in its farm animals to a very enormous extent-30,511 horses in 1870; 204,864 horses in 1880; 542,036 horses in 1890, worth $37,787,194, increased to 708,519 in 1893. There were 2,632 mules in 1870, 19,999 in 1880, 45,992 in 1890 and 46,939 in 1893.

There was an increase in oxen from 50,988 in 1870, and 597,363 in 1880, to 1,306,372 in 1890, and 1,613,223 in 1893.

The increase in the number of milch cows has been 28,940 in 1870, 161,187 in 1880, 420,069 in 1890, and 535,536 in 1894, worth $10,501,861. Sheep have increased from 22,725 in 1870 to 199,453 in 1880, to 239,400 in 1890, and to 277,952 in 1893. The increase in the number of swine in the State is simply enormous. In 1870, 59,449; in 1880, 1,241,724; in 1890, 2,309,779, and in 1893, by these statistics, 2,088,964, worth $16,811,981. I have computed from the statistics that are upon my desk the value of the output of Nebraska in farm products alone in the year 1893, showing nothing of the result of the manufacturing industries, which has been very great but is not pertinent to this schedule of the bill:

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Making nearly $125,000,000, which is a most conservative estimate. I really think the products of the State, even at the low prices that obtained in 1893, were over $150,000,000, rather than under that amount.

Mr. President, this astonishing growth is one that we who stand up for Nebraska look upon with very great

pride, and it is the best possible response that can be made
to those who are disposed to complain over existing condi-
tions and predict dire calamity. It cannot be poured out
of the mouth of a cornucopia.

This enormous increase in population and in material
wealth has been had during the years that we have lived
under the present American system, and while we have been
in advance as to rate of growth of many other sections of
the country, it should be a most gratifying fact to every
American that this country has made such tremendous
strides during the years that it has existed under the pro-
tective acts of 1861, 1883, and 1890.

Near the conclusion of the 53d congress, just before the termination of his second official term, closing twelve full years, Mr. Manderson went upon record with the following sentiments, in the spirit of peace and good fellowship:

I know that on the battlefield about Chattanooga and at Shiloh the survivors of both the great armies have met for the purpose of interchange of views. On the 6th and 7th days of last April there met at the battlefield of Shiloh or at Pittsburg Landing prominent officers of both armies. They explored and went over the field together. It was a delightful object lesson in that harmony and unity of feeling that we all now have with reference to matters of this kind.

Those great armies have passed away except those who have grown gray and are the survivors of the conflict, and with the passing of the years the animosities that were enkindled by the war have disappeared. We who fought for the Union and were of the army of the country have ever been ready to recognize the valor and the bravery of those who fought upon the other side, believing just as earnestly and sincerely now as we believed over a quarter of a century ago that we were right and they were wrong, and the facts of history have justified very fully our conclusion in this regard.


March 4th, 1893-March 4th, 1899.

William Vincent Allen, of Madison, was born in Midway, Madison County, Ohio, January 28, 1847; removed with his stepfather's family to Iowa in 1857; was educated in the common schools of Iowa and attended the upper Iowa University at Fayette for a time, but did not graduate; was a private soldier in Company G, Thirty-second Iowa Volunteer Infantry, during the war of rebellion, the last five months of his service being on the staff of Gen. J. I. Gilbert; read law with Hon. L. L. Ainsworth, at West Union, Iowa, and was admitted to the bar May 31, 1869, and practiced law from then until elected Judge of the District Court of the Ninth Judicial District of Nebraska, in the fall of 1891. He moved from Iowa to Nebraska in 1884; was married May 2, 1870; was elected United States Senator, to succeed Algernon Sidney Paddock, February 7, 1893, for the full term of six years, commencing March 4, 1893. His term of service expired March 3, 1899.

The first appearance of Senator Allen in a legislative session was in the extra one commencing August 7, 1893, convened by order of President Cleveland, to consider and relieve the country from financial panic.

Having been a resident of Nebraska only nine years, he had yet to acquire state and national recognition by force of character and talent.

Coming from the ranks of a new party, which had equally inflicted political injury upon each of the old ones, the pious of the leaders drew upon their Bible treasures for, "What will this babbler say?" But it was immediately evident that he came not to "sit at the feet of Gamaliel," but to "tread upon his toes," as indicated in his first speech, August 23, 1893.

MR. ALLEN: I deem it to be the highest duty of a member of this chamber, now that the nation is confronted with gloom and threatened with financial and industrial ruin, to lay aside all partisan tactics and prejudice and give to

the proper solution of this important question his most
enlightened and profound judgment and fervent devotion;
and I must confess that I was somewhat surprised and
pained on the second day of this session to witness a fruit-
less and partisan discussion, somewhat acrimonious, and in
my judgment entirely unprovoked, precipitated upon the
Senate, which consumed valuable time to no useful purpose.
When witnessing such scenes I am not surprised that the
American people are losing confidence, if they have not
already lost it, in the ability and purpose of congress to
legislate in their interests.

He did not come into that august presence to apologize for his party but rather to utter its eulogy.

Mr. President, I am an humble member of a new political party that has recently come into existence and public notice, made necessary by the constant drifting of the Nation from its original constitutional moorings into the shallow and treacherous waters of unchecked power. The people and I speak of the masses-have so frequently appealed to the general government for wise and humane monetary legislation, only to have their appeals fall on deaf or unsympathetic ears, that it became necessary as a matter of self-preservation for them to create a new political party, founded upon Jeffersonian simplicity, and imperatively demanding a return of the Nation to first principles of government; and I am pleased to say that this party, full of hope and confidence, is hourly growing in numbers, in courage, intelligence, and discipline, and will, sooner or later, force the two old parties of the Nation into administering the affairs of the government in the interest of the people, or into political disintegration and death.

He magnified their sagacity:

The People's party of America, while taking strong grounds on the subject of national taxation, asserted in the most positive terms that the crowning question of this country and this age was the question of money; and in less than five months from the close of the election in November last the Nation was confronted with an industrial and financial depression such as has not been wit nessed in this country for fifty years, if indeed its equal has ever been known.

To-day the Democratic and Republican parties are brought face to face with a condition of public affairs that was foretold by the common people months before it happened.

Now within the arena, with banner bearing the motto, "In war enemies, in peace friends," as though "to the manner born," all comers are challenged in unequivocal terms.

Mr. President-Is the President correct in his conclusion that the Sherman act is the cause of our trouble? In my judgment, Mr. President, the Sherman act has nothing to do in the slightest degree with the evil that confronts us. No one has become frightened at the ability of this government to redeem every pledge it has made, as fast as its pledges shall become due.

While we all understand that the purchasing clause of the Sherman act is a miserable makeshift, resorted to and enacted to avoid the blessing of the free and unlimited coinage of silver, as has been confessed in this chamber, yet it is wiser by far to retain it until something better is offered in its place, than to surrender to an enemy who has been constant in season and out of season for twenty years to strike down silver and deprive the people of one-half of their constitutional money; thus increasing in enormous proportion the debts of the people, shrinking the value of their property and labor, and making the rich richer and the poor poorer.

Sir, the Sherman act is the last feeble barrier that stands between the patriotic and industrious masses of our people and that horde of insolent, aggressive and ravenous moneychangers and gamblers of Lombard street and Wall street, who for private gain would, through a shrinking and contracted volume of money, turn the world back into the gloom of the Dark Ages with all its attendant evil and misery. We cannot suffer this to be done; we must stand like a wall of fire against its accomplishment, and only when the measure that is to succeed the present law is shown to us and enacted into a law can we with safety repeal the Sherman act.

Illustrative of the promptness with which Senator Allen espoused official duties, the fact is that on the ninth day of the session he offered an amendment to a bill, providing that interest should cease upon bonds as the basis of bank note issues during the time such notes were in possession of the bondholders, and upon request, volunteered a few explanatory remarks, concluding:

I desire to say that a majority of the people whom I represent, I will say nine-tenths of the people of the State of

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