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great universities of several western states, notably Nebraska, Iowa, and Kansas, occupy an enviable position in the educational world. Their instructors and their students are gradually achieving a prominence which cannot do otherwise than reflect the greatest of credit upon them and upon the institutions they respectively represent. It is a good sign of civilization when education is pushed into the frontier of this, as well as other countries, because education always civilizes, but public money should be expended in a nonsectarian direction. Such a course will insure less division, less trouble, and more efficiency than any other method which might be pursued.


March 4th, 1893-March 4th, 1897.

Hon. George D. Meiklejohn was born at Weyauwega, Waupaca County, Wisconsin, August 26, 1857, and brought up on a farm. He was educated at the State Normal, Oshkosh, and Michigan University, Ann Arbor; and graduated from the Law Department of Michigan University in 1880; prior to which time he was principal of the High School at Weyauwega and Liscomb, Iowa. He was a lawyer at 23 years of age, the same year in which he came to Nebraska, at 27 he was in the State Senate, at 30 was chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, at 31 was elected Lieutenant Governor; and at 35 years of age elected to Congress, as a Republican, receiving 13,635 votes against 10,630 for George F. Keiper, Democrat, and 9,636 for William A. Poynter, Independent. In 1894 he was re-elected to the 54th Congress.

He was fortunate in the circumstances of life upon the farmearly education-self support-settlement in a new and progressive community-ability to acquire and integrity to hold the confidence of a constituency till landed in Congress with a legislator's resources and a presiding officer's experience, acquired in presiding over the State Senate, by election, and ex-officio, as Lieutenant Governor.

The gentleman had also acquired a terse and comprehensive use of language, as evidenced by the introductory sentences of his first speech in the 53rd Congress January 12, 1894. Mr. Meiklejohn said:

One year ago the prayer for "a change of party" was, through the voice of a plurality but not a majority of the electors of this Nation, answered, and for the first time for more than a third of a century the executive and both branches of the legislative departments of the Government were placed in the absolute control of the Democratic party. The American people prior to this "change of party" were

enjoying the blessings guaranteed to them by the Constitu-
tion. Industry, the great heart of the arterial system of
trade, was beating normally and regularly; her pulsations
filled the conduits of commerce with the products of Ameri-
can labor, American capital, and American genius. She
blessed with wealth and prosperity the most remote part
of the Nation; she fed the bread-winners of the land with
the produce of American soil and made a home market for
the American farmer; capital had a field for investment;
labor, employment; transportation, trade and commerce;
manufactures, a demand for their products.

The Nation was blessed with universal prosperity, and hap-
piness and contentment beamed from the home. The
maxim of Daniel Webster, that "Where there is work for
the hands there is work for the teeth," was never more
fully verified. This was the condition of our Republic be-
fore the transformation scene of a year ago.


was the verdict of the ballots; the "change of administra-
tion" had not yet come. Its realization was four months in
the future. The prospect of Democratic experimentation
and platform translation began its work of industrial pros-
tration and commercial depression. Capital took fright;
industry moved sluggishly; products of manufactures de-
creased to the current demand; labor saw her wages decline
and the doors of employment slowly close.

Doubt and uncertainty drove our medium of exchange
into hiding; banks were forced to realize on securities to
keep up reserves; exports decreased and contents of bonded
warehouses increased. The Nation for the first time since
1857 began to taste the unripened fruit of free trade and
that sweet morsel of Anglomaniacs, the markets of the
world. Who could predict what was in store when a "change
of administration" should come?


Having made the point that the legislation of the extra session had failed to tranquilize the country, and a tariff bill being before the House for revenue, with incidental protection only, he argued the constitutionality of protection, of itself, instancing legislative custom and the opinions of Madison, Jefferson and others. Passing to what he affirmed would be the result of the bill, if passed, upon two Nebraska industries, beet sugar and

binding twine, he enumerated the vast sums saddled upon our people, on account of foreign importation of sugar, which he would finally lessen, through the stimulus of bounties upon home manufactures.


Wherever a beet-sugar factory is located and within a radius of many miles the agricultural country seems touched as with a new life. There is a rise in the value of land and labor is in demand, towns and villages take on vigor and growth, and every man, laborer, banker, merchant, and farmer, feels the touch of a new industry. Thousands of dollars are annually expended by the factory in every direction, giving business a steady impetus and a demand for the products of other industries.

No man, of whatever political faith, who is not a demagogue can go through a beet field and visit a sugar factory without feeling that God's sunshine is indeed a partner with labor and capital in one of the great agricultural industries. Are the energy and capital invested in this enterprise, the hopes of the farmers and planter in this great sugar industry, to be paralyzed? At whose behest? Is it possible that Claus Spreckels has found favor in the eyes of a Democracy which only fourteen months ago was yelling itself hoarse in denunciation of trusts?

Mr. Brigham, in 1890, Master of the National Grange, composed of one and one-quarter millions of farmers, said:

"I think our people would not favor a bounty on any commodity that we now produce in sufficient quantities to supply our people. There are many of them in favor of bounties. Take, for instance, sugar."


At the transmississippi convention, held at Ogden last spring, a convention composed of over 600 delegates from 22 States, a resolution passed without opposition against a repeal of the bounty from or protection for sugar.

Let no one suppose for a moment that but two or three states growing sugar are the only ones interested in this industry. On the contrary, the mechanic, the laborer, the merchant, and the farmer in many states, aside from the cane, beet, and sorghum belt are deeply interested in this struggle. Prior to 1857 Louisiana had paid to Eastern foundries and machine shops over $10,000,000 for engines, sugar mills, kettles, furnaces, doors, grates, bars, vacuum pans, pumps, water pipes, wagons, and harness. She had paid to Tennessee, Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, and Indiana over $7,500,000 for mules and horses for her plantations.

She had purchased every year over $1,500,000 of pork, $65,000
of flour, $275,000 of shoes, $1,250,000 of clothing, half a mil-
lion dollars of blankets, and $1,250,000 of horses and mules,
or a total of nearly $4,700,000 annually. When she had with
a capital in this industry increased fourfold and now reach-
ing $150,000,000, her calls on the North and border states for
machinery, animals, wagons, harness, provisions, and cloth-
ing makes an interstate commerce of $50,000,000 annually.
Is such an industry in such a state to be stricken down
or crippled?

Her product in 1870-'71 was, pounds
In 1890-'91 it was


A gain of nearly 200 per cent, or pounds... 314,611,264 The planters have invested at least ten millions new or additional capital, and increased their planted area 100,000 acres since the bounty law was enacted, and on the faith of its continuance as promised and provided.


He entered a protest, also, because binding twine was placed on the free list; and playfully alluded to Mr. Bryan:

My colleague (Mr. Bryan) will remember, in the Fiftysecond Congress, in speaking of the election of 1890, he said that he would not find fault with Mr. Reed if he consumed his time in recalling those words of Thomas Moore, "The last rose of summer."

You will remember that you predicted that the "revolution" might reach the shores of Maine. Little you then thought that it would reach the prairies of Nebraska before the shores of Maine. With the victory of the Administration in the last Democratic convention in Nebraska and the Republication victory in the Nation I know my colleague will find no fault with me if I consume sufficient time to recall the words in the last stanza of that beautiful anapest:

"So, soon may I follow,
When friendships decay,

And from love's shining circle
The gems drop away.

When true hearts lie withered,

And fond ones are flown,

Oh, who would inhabit

This cold world alone."

[Laughter and applause.]


In his peroration he charged Democrats with "wrecking in

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