enjoying the blessings guaranteed to them by the Constitu-
tion. Industry, the great heart of the arterial system of
trade, was beating normally and regularly; her pulsations
filled the conduits of commerce with the products of Ameri-
can labor, American capital, and American genius. She
blessed with wealth and prosperity the most remote part
of the Nation; she fed the bread-winners of the land with
the produce of American soil and made a home market for
the American farmer; capital had a field for investment;
labor, employment; transportation, trade and commerce;
manufactures, a demand for their products.

The Nation was blessed with universal prosperity, and hap-
piness and contentment beamed from the home. The
maxim of Daniel Webster, that "Where there is work for
the hands there is work for the teeth," was never more
fully verified. This was the condition of our Republic be-
fore the transformation scene of a year ago.

was the verdict of the ballots; the "change of administra-
tion" had not yet come. Its realization was four months in
the future. The prospect of Democratic experimentation
and platform translation began its work of industrial pros-
tration and commercial depression. Capital took fright;
industry moved sluggishly; products of manufactures de-
creased to the current demand; labor saw her wages decline
and the doors of employment slowly close.

Doubt and uncertainty drove our medium of exchange
into hiding; banks were forced to realize on securities to
keep up reserves; exports decreased and contents of bonded
warehouses increased. The Nation for the first time since
1857 began to taste the unripened fruit of free trade and
that sweet morsel of Anglomaniacs, the markets of the
world. Who could predict what was in store when a "change
of administration" should come?

BEET SUGAR.

Having made the point that the legislation of the extra session had failed to tranquilize the country, and a tariff bill being before the House for revenue, with incidental protection only, he argued the constitutionality of protection, of itself, instancing legislative custom and the opinions of Madison, Jefferson and others. Passing to what he affirmed would be the result of the bill, if passed, upon two Nebraska industries, beet sugar and

binding twine, he enumerated the vast sums saddled upon our people, on account of foreign importation of sugar, which he would finally lessen, through the stimulus of bounties upon home manufactures.

RESULTS.

Wherever a beet-sugar factory is located and within a radius of many miles the agricultural country seems touched as with a new life. There is a rise in the value of land and labor is in demand, towns and villages take on vigor and growth, and every man, laborer, banker, merchant, and farmer, feels the touch of a new industry. Thousands of dollars are annually expended by the factory in every direction, giving business a steady impetus and a demand for the products of other industries.

No man, of whatever political faith, who is not a demagogue can go through a beet field and visit a sugar factory without feeling that God's sunshine is indeed a partner with labor and capital in one of the great agricultural industries. Are the energy and capital invested in this enterprise, the hopes of the farmers and planter in this great sugar industry, to be paralyzed? At whose behest? Is it possible that Claus Spreckels has found favor in the eyes of a Democracy which only fourteen months ago was yelling itself hoarse in denunciation of trusts?

Mr. Brigham, in 1890, Master of the National Grange, composed of one and one-quarter millions of farmers, said:

"I think our people would not favor a bounty on any commodity that we now produce in sufficient quantities to supply our people. There are many of them in favor of bounties. Take, for instance, sugar."

At the transmississippi convention, held at Ogden last spring, a convention composed of over 600 delegates from 22 States, a resolution passed without opposition against a repeal of the bounty from or protection for sugar.

Let no one suppose for a moment that but two or three states growing sugar are the only ones interested in this industry. On the contrary, the mechanic, the laborer, the merchant, and the farmer in many states, aside from the cane, beet, and sorghum belt are deeply interested in this struggle. Prior to 1857 Louisiana had paid to Eastern foundries and machine shops over $10,000,000 for engines, sugar mills, kettles, furnaces, doors, grates, bars, vacuum pans, pumps, water pipes, wagons, and harness. She had paid to Tennessee, Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, and Indiana over $7,500,000 for mules and horses for her plantations.

She had purchased every year over $1,500,000 of pork, $65,000
of flour, $275,000 of shoes, $1,250,000 of clothing, half a mil-
lion dollars of blankets, and $1,250,000 of horses and mules,
or a total of nearly $4,700,000 annually. When she had with
a capital in this industry increased fourfold and now reach-
ing $150,000,000, her calls on the North and border states for
machinery, animals, wagons, harness, provisions, and cloth-
ing makes an interstate commerce of $50,000,000 annually.
Is such an industry in such a state to be stricken down
or crippled?

Her product in 1870-'71 was, pounds
In 1890-'91 it was

168,878,592
483,489,856

A gain of nearly 200 per cent, or pounds... 314,611,264 The planters have invested at least ten millions new or additional capital, and increased their planted area 100,000 acres since the bounty law was enacted, and on the faith of its continuance as promised and provided.

LAST ROSE OF SUMMER.

He entered a protest, also, because binding twine was placed on the free list; and playfully alluded to Mr. Bryan:

My colleague (Mr. Bryan) will remember, in the Fiftysecond Congress, in speaking of the election of 1890, he said that he would not find fault with Mr. Reed if he consumed his time in recalling those words of Thomas Moore, "The last rose of summer."

You will remember that you predicted that the "revolution" might reach the shores of Maine. Little you then thought that it would reach the prairies of Nebraska before the shores of Maine. With the victory of the Administration in the last Democratic convention in Nebraska and the Republication victory in the Nation I know my colleague will find no fault with me if I consume sufficient time to recall the words in the last stanza of that beautiful anapest:

"So, soon may I follow,
When friendships decay,

And from love's shining circle
The gems drop away.

When true hearts lie withered,

And fond ones are flown,

Oh, who would inhabit

This cold world alone."

[Laughter and applause.]

PERORATION.

In his peroration he charged Democrats with "wrecking in

dustries"; of treason, by alliance with "England and Canada"; canonized Thoreau and lay under contribution the rhetorical figure of Echo, to intensify the knell of destiny.

"What humiliating contrast, gentlemen of the majority, does your plan and purpose to wreck the industries of this country present to that patriotic utterance of Thoreau which made him immortal

"There is no hope for him who does not think that the bit of mold under his feet is the sweetest spot on earth.” You propose to sacrifice this industry, destroy this new field for agriculture, and place this necessity of the American farmer under the control of foreign manufacturers. You propose to give preference and priority to foreign lands and foreign productions. In this you have succeeded in securing the support and indorsement of the Canadian and English press.

Sirs, pass this bill and you will lock the vaults of American resources.

Pass this bill and you sign the death-warrant for American industries.

Pass this bill and you issue a proclamation for the enslavement of American labor. [Applause.]

Pass this bill and you will declare for the destruction of our home market; the depletion of the national treasury; the placing of labor on a plane with ryots, coolies, and kanakas, and the transfer of American manufactures to foreign shores. [Prolonged applause on the Republican side.]

SECOND TARIFF SPEECH.

In the last hours of the 53rd Congress, second session, after hundreds of speeches had been delivered upon the subject of a tariff for revenue or protection, Mr. Meiklejohn, under leave to print, wrote and filed a speech, as a political attack upon the Democratic party.

In the first sentence he charged "a lowering of the flag of tariff reform"-"a surrender without terms." To stigmatize the Senate amendments to the House bill (634 in number), he published the celebrated letter of President Cleveland to Mr. Wilson, Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the House, in which the Senate bill was characterized as meaning "party perfidy and party dishonor," involving "outrageous discriminations and violation of principle."

Inasmuch as Democrats had to conciliate the coal states, the iron ore states, and those having cotton, silk, tin, glass and sugar interests he found it convenient to put on record Senator Vest, of Missouri, and Senator Mills, of Texas:

No wonder the Senator from Missouri, in turning the calcium light on this tariff bill and exposing the tribulations of the Democracy in framing it, was led to say:

"Sir, were it not for this tariff I could now indulge in the ecstacy of that well-known hymn

No wonder Mr. Mills, one of the present Democratic leaders in the Senate and the author of the famous Mills bill, speaking of this Gorman compromise bill in a speech delivered in the Senate on the 15th of August, 1894, was led to exclaim:

"Mr. President, I have not risen either to attack or defend the bill which has recently passed Congress and is now awaiting the signature of the President. I think perhaps the least that we can say about that measure the better it will be. It is the most remarkable measure that has ever found itself upon the pages of the statute books of any country. It is a phenomenon in political science; and especially is it so when we consider that this is a popular government and that legislation in a popular government is the crystallization of the public will. I make bold to say here to-day that that bill does not reflect the sentiment of one thousand people of the United States.

"I do not think I will be far from the truth when I say there is not a Republican in the United States who favors it. I do not think I will be far amiss when I say there is not a Populist in the United States who favors it, judging by the votes of their representatives in this chamber. I do not believe I will be far from the truth when I say that the great masses of the Democratic people of the United States condemn it. It is the product, as we all know, of five or six, or at best seven, members on this floor."

In adjusting rates some had been lowered, some removed, and some increased, while of those increased, a list was given of fifty articles.

The sugar schedule was very thoroughly examined, and the repeal of bounties denounced, while certain Missouri members were warned of the indignation of their sugar-eating constituents.