136 LEGISLATION OF DEMONAX. Book IV. the citizens; who, on his arrival at Cyrêné, having first made himself acquainted with all the circumstances, proceeded to enrol the people in three tribes.9 One he made to consist of the Theræans and their vassals; another of the Peloponnesians and Cretans; and a third of the various islanders. Besides this, he deprived the king Battus of his former privileges, only reserving for him certain sacred lands and offices; 2 while, bats (uovouaxías) at Mantinæa, and the practice was then imitated by the Cyrenæans (Fr. 1.) Diodorus, in his account of this lawgiver (Fr. lib. viii. ad fin.), seems merely to follow Herodotus. The name has been found on a coin of Cyrêné, but the date of the coin scarcely seems to be so high as the time of this legislator (Bouhier's Dissertations, p. 143). 8 Müller conjectures that the state of misgovernment, which Demônax was called in to remedy, arose from two canses. The kings, who had originally, like the other Dorian monarchs, very narrow powers, had greatly enlarged their rights, and were almost become tyrants. Also, the new colonists, who had flocked in under Battus the Happy, having never received full political privileges, were discontented. The changes effected by Demônax were these:-1. He restricted the powers of the kings within their original narrow limits; and 2. he imparted to the new colonists equal rights of citizenship with the ancient citizens. The latter retained certain privileges: as prece dency, which is indicated by their being placed first in the list of tribes; and the exclusive right of holding the aboriginals in villenage. This is indicated by the mention of the vassals (Tepíoiro) as belonging to the Theræan tribe, in which they were reckoned, without of course possessing any political power. Müller regards this constitution as wisely framed under the circumstances. (Dorians, vol. ii. pp. 63, 64, and 181, 182.) This view is no doubt partly conjectural; but it is clear and in accord. ance with the general spirit of antiquity. The account of the vassals or Perioci seems better than that of Niebuhr, that they were the original subjects of the Theræans in Thera, who in the colony stood on an equal footing with their masters. (Hist. of Rome, note 708, 2nd edit.) 9 It is probably this change to which Aristotle alludes (Pol. vi. 2), and which he compares with the legis lation of Clisthenes. At least Müller's argument to the contrary (Dorians, vol. ii. p. 183, note) is very weak. He appears to forget that Aristotle is not speaking only of the Cyrenæan, but also and chiefly of the Clisthenic constitution, and that all his expressions cannot be expected to apply to both. The tribes of Demônax were not certainly "more" than the origi. nal-which were the Hyllæi, Dymanes, and Pamphyles (see ch. 148, note *)— but they were different from them, which is the main point. Thus they served, as Aristotle says, to break up old associations, and establish new in their place. 1 Who would be principally Ionians. Thus the three tribes would consist of three different races:-1. The Theræans, who were of Græco-Phoenician extraction; 2. The Lacedæmonians and Cretans, who were Dorians; and 3. The islanders, who were Ionians. A similar ethnic distinction is found, to a certain extent, at Sicyon (infra, v. 68; comp. vii. 94), and again at Thurii. (See the Introductory Essay, ch. i. p. 23, note 1.) 2 The early kings of the various Grecian states, like those of Rome, were uniformly priests likewise. (Hermann, Pol. Antiq. of Greece, CHAP. 161-163. PHERETIMA AT SALAMIS. 137 with respect to the powers which had hitherto been exercised by the king, he gave them all into the hands of the people. 4 162. Thus matters rested during the lifetime of this Battus, but when his son Arcesilaüs came to the throne, great disturbance arose about the privileges. For Arcesilaüs, son of Battus the lame and Pheretima, refused to submit to the arrangements of Demônax the Mantinean, and claimed all the powers of his. forefathers. In the contentions which followed Arcesilaüs was worsted, whereupon he fled to Samos, while his mother took refuge at Salamis 5 in the island of Cyprus. Salamis was at that time ruled by Evelthon, the same who offered at Delphi the censer which is in the treasury of the Corinthians, a work deserving of admiration. Of him Pheretima made request, that he would give her an army, whereby she and her son might regain Cyrêné. But Evelthon, preferring to give her anything rather than an army, made her various presents. Pheretima accepted them all, saying, as she took them: "Good is this too, O king! but better were it to give me the army which I crave at thy hands." Finding that she repeated these words each time that he presented her with a gift, Evelthon at last sent her a golden spindle and distaff, with the wool ready for spinning. Again she uttered the same speech as before, whereupon Evelthon rejoined-" These are the gifts I present to women, not armies." 163. At Samos, meanwhile, Arcesilaus was collecting troops § 56, note 10.) At Sparta we find them still so regarded. (Infra, vi. 56.) Aristotle says (Polit. iii. 9) that it was their usual fate to be left nothing but their priestly character. Compare the institution of the ἄρχων βασιλεὺς at Athens, and the rex sacrificulus at Rome. (Livy, ii. 2.) This is most likely the contention (ordois) of which Aristotle speaks (Pol. vi. 2), and which he ascribes to the want of moderation on the part of those who established the democracy, whereby the nobles (yvapiuoi) were exasperated, and driven to attempt a counter-revolution. According to his view, Demônax had extended the rights of citizenship too far, and had thereby introduced disorders. 4 Vide supra, ch. 152, note 9. 5 Concerning the site of Salamis, vide infra, v. 104, note. Pheretima may perhaps have applied for aid in this quarter on account of its Græco. Phoenician character. 6 See note 5 on Book i. ch. 14, and note on Book ii. ch. 167. It is not very clear why the offering should have been put into the treasury of the Cypselids. 138 ARCESILAUS CONSULTS THE ORACLE. Book IV. by the promise of granting them lands." Having in this way drawn together a vast host, he sent to Delphi to consult the oracle about his restoration. The answer of the Pythoness was this: "Loxias grants thy race to rule over Cyrêné, till four kings Battus, four Arcesilaüs by name, have passed away. 7 It does not appear to me that àvadaouós, either in this place or where it occurred before (ch. 159), has the sense which Müller assigns to it. (Dorians, ii. p. 63, E. T.) It does not signify a new division of their lands," but simply an allotting of land. On the former occasion the land to be allotted to the new colonists was land previously unoccupied by Greeks, and considered by the nomade Libyans to belong to them (vide supra, ch. 159). On this occasion the estates of the opposite party would furnish the means of fulfilling the promise under which persons were enlisted. 8 That the Battiada continued to reign at Cyrene till the eighth generation is confirmed by Pindar, who calls the Arcesilaüs of his day (Arcesilaüs IV.) ὄγδοον μέρος ̓Αρκεσίλας. (Pyth. iv. 65, ed. Dissen.) The Scholiast (ad loc.) states the fact historically, declaring that "four kings Battus, and four Arcesilaus by name” τέσσαρες μὲν Βάττοι τέσσαρες δὲ Αρκεσίλαοι), actually reigned-that the line of descent was uninterrupted from father to son-and that the reign of the fourth Arcesilaüs was followed by a democracy. It may be conjectured that these events 8 had already happened before Herodotus wrote this portion of his History. Heraclides Ponticus (Fr. 4) confirms the Scholiast, adding that Battus, who appears to have been the son of Arcesilaüs IV., was compelled to fly, and took refuge at Euesperides. The chronology of the reigns presents, however, certain difficulties. According to Solinus, Cyrene was founded B.C. 597 (xxvii. 44); but in that case Battus the Happy, who ascended the throne 56 years later (Herod. iv. 159), would be contemporary, not with Apries, but Amasis. Eusebius gives a better date, viz. B.C. 631. This will make Battus the Happy ascend the throne B.C. 575, and be contemporary therefore with the last six years of the reign of Apries, who was succeeded by Amasis in B.C. 569. It will also accord tolerably with the statements, 1. of Theophrastus, that Cyrene was founded close upon 300 years before B. C. 311 (Hist. Plant. VI. iii. 3), and 2. of the Scholiast (ad. Pind. Pyth. iv.), that the dynasty continued for 200 years. These periods are manifestly round numbers; but they will perhaps enable us to approximate to the true chronology. DYNASTY OF THE BATTIADE AT CYRENE. Battus I. (founder of the city, reigned 40 years) 631 591 to 575 ... Arcesilaus III. (his son) (Pheretima, regent) ... 555 (?) to 540 (?) Amasis, king of Egypt, married Ladice, the daughter of one or other of these 2 kings. 540 (?) to 530 (?) Legislation of Demônax. 530) to 515 ... Became tributary to Cambyses. 515 (?) to 514 (?)... Expedition of Aryandes. 514 (?) to 470 (?) Battus IV. (the Fair, son of Arcesilatis III.) Arcesilaus IV. (his son), ascended the throne about 470 gained a Pythian victory 466 lived perhaps till nearly Thus Herodotus would be still adding touches to his history after the murder of Arcesilaus IV., and the expulsion of his son Battus. Arcesi. 431 (?) laus IV. would be a young man in B.C. 466 (Pind. Pyth. v. 102, 103, κρέσσονα μὲν ἡλικίας νόον φέρβεται), and might continue to reign for five CHAP. 163, 164. ARCESILAUS OBTAINS SUPREME POWER. 139 Beyond this term of eight generations of men, he warns you not to seek to extend your reign. Thou, for thy part, be gentle, when thou art restored. If thou findest the oven full of jars, bake not the jars; but be sure to speed them on their way. If, however, thou heatest the oven, then avoid the island—else thou wilt die thyself, and with thee the most beautiful bull." 9 164. So spake the Pythoness. Arcesilaüs upon this returned to Cyrêné, taking with him the troops which he had raised in Samos. There he obtained possession of the supreme power; whereupon, forgetful of the oracle, he took proceedings against those who had driven him into banishment. Some of them fled from him and quitted the country for good; others fell into his hands and were sent to suffer death in Cyprus. These last happening on their passage to put in through stress of weather at Cnidus, the Cnidians rescued them, and sent them off to Thera. Another body found a refuge in the great tower of Aglômachus, a private edifice, and were there destroyed by Arcesilaüs, who heaped wood around the place, and burnt them to death. Aware, after the deed was done, that this was what the Pythoness meant when she warned him, if he found the jars in the oven, not to bake them, he withdrew himself of his own accord from the city of Cyrêné, believing that to be and.thirty years. Battus IV. being, as is evident from the position assumed by Pheretima, a minor at the death of his father, would be likely to have a long reign (44 years). The 300 years of Theophrastus would be a little exceeded; but his words are not precise. (μάλιστα περὶ τριακόσια ἔτη, 1. s. c.) Compare Bouhier's Dissertations (ch. xii.), and Clinton's F. H., Years 631, 597, 591, 575, 466, &c. It has been recently argued, from a Cyrenaic coin in the British Museum, that the monarchy came to an end at least as early as B.C. 450. The coin is thought by its style to be "not later" than that date; and, as it 140 PHERETIMA APPLIES TO ARYANDES. Book IV. the island of the oracle,1 and fearing to die as had been prophesied. Being married to a relation of his own, a daughter of Alazir, at that time king of the Barcæans, he took up his abode with him. At Barca, however, certain of the citizens, together with a number of Cyrenean exiles, recognising him as he walked in the forum, killed him; they slew also at the same time Alazir, his father-in-law. So Arcesilaüs, wittingly or unwittingly, disobeyed the oracle, and thereby fulfilled his destiny. 165. Pheretima, the mother of Arcesilaüs, during the time that her son, after working his own ruin, dwelt at Barca, continued to enjoy all his privileges at Cyrêné, managing the government, and taking her seat at the council-board. No sooner, however, did she hear of the death of her son at Barca, than leaving Cyrêné, she fled in haste to Egypt. Arcesilaüs had claims for service done to Cambyses, son of Cyrus; since it was by him that Cyrêné was put under the Persian yoke, and a rate of tribute agreed upon.3 Pheretima therefore went straight to Egypt, and presenting herself as a suppliant before Aryandes, entreated him to avenge her wrongs. Her son, she said, had met his death on account of his being so well affected towards the Medes.* It is not very easy to see how either Cyrene or Barca could be regarded as islands. Perhaps the existence of springs on several sides of Cyrene may have been considered, in a country so scant of water, as what the word aupippuτov pointed at. At Barca there would not be even this approach to an insular character, for water is scarce there, if at least the site was at Merdj. 2 This name is remarkable. It is clearly not Greek, and therefore is probably African. Hence it would seem that not only was Barca originally an African town (see note 2 on ch. 160), but that while falling under Greek influence in the reign of Arcesi. laus II., it had still retained its native princes, who intermarried with the Battiada. It is no objection to this view that the daughter of Alazir is called a "relation" of Arcesilaüs, for she may have been so on her mother's side. However, it is certainly possible that, as Mr. Blakesley thinks, the Greek princes of Barca may have adopted African names to conciliate their native subjects. Battus, it must be remembered, was an African word. 3 Vide supra, iii. 13 and 91. It is not likely that there was any ground at all for this statement which however was plausible enough, and might easily impose upon the Persian governor, who would not care to investigate it. He would consider it his business to uphold the royal family which had treated with Cambyses, even apart from any such special |