352 INTERNAL CHANGES. APP. BOOK V. period immediately following the close of the struggle. Perhaps there are scarcely sufficient data on which to reconstruct the true history of the period; but the view taken by Bishop Thirlwall of the changes made, and the circumstances which led to them, is at once so ingenious and so consistent with probability, that it well deserves at least the attention of the student. Bishop Thirlwall supposes that to supply the losses which Sparta sustained in the course of the war, a number of new citizens were admitted at its close from the Periocic and Helot classes; but that between these new citizens and the old ones a distinction was made, the new forming a lower grade and being therefore designated "Inferiors" ("Troueloves), while the old citizens, who had certain exclusive privileges, were termed 'Oμoloí "Peers" or "Equals." The assembly of the whole body of citizens he considers to have constituted the ordinary "Assembly " (ʼn kкλŋola—oi ĚKKλŋTO), while that of the Peers only was the "Little Assembly" († μikpà èkkλnola). This last-named body elected the Senators (yéPOVTES; but the possessors of the lower franchise had a vote in the general assembly which elected the Ephors. Hence the Ephors had from the time of Theopompus a new position-they became the representatives, and the sole representatives, of the whole people. They were therefore able to assume a tone, and gradually to take a position, far above that which they had held under the original constitution of Lycurgus; and from this circumstance arose the mistaken view which assigned the original creation of the Ephoralty to Theopompus. The colonisation of Tarentum grew out of the admission of the new citizens. A portion were discontented with the inferior grade which they occupied, and-like the Minya at an earlier period 4-claimed more complete equality of privileges. Their demands being resisted, they attempted a revolution; and the government was fain to disembarrass itself of them by adopting "one of the usual means of getting rid of disaffected and turbulent citizens." As the Minya were led out to Thera, so the discon 2 See the Fragments of Ephorus and Antiochus quoted by Strabo (vi. pp. 402, 403), and compare Arist. Pol. v. 6. It may be doubted whether Crotona, Locri, and the other cities of Magna Græcia which were said to have received colonies from Sparta (Pausan. III. iii. § 1) are not more properly regarded as settlements of the exiled Achæans (see Hermann's Polit. Ant. § 80). 3 Compare the "Gentes minores,” at Rome-a later addition to the citizen body, according to both Livy (i. 35) and Cicero (De Repub. ii. 20). 4 Herod. iv. 146. ESSAY I. COLONISATION OF TARENTUM. 353 tented "Inferiors" were induced to take up their abode at TarenHence the stories of Theopompus and Antiochus-misrepresentations of the real history which are yet correct in the main facts-the connection of the colonisation with the Messenian struggle, and the discontent in which it originated. Such is the view suggested by Bishop Thirlwall. Mr. Grote, without examining it formally, by implication rejects it, since he regards the distinction between "Equals" and "Inferiors" as equivalent to that between the fully qualified citizens, who paid their due quotas to the syssitia, and the disfranchised poor, whose means were insufficient for that purpose; 5 while his explanation of the two assemblies is, that the larger was that of the "Equals" only, while the lesser ( μikpá) was the same with the Senate !6 With regard to the colonisation of Tarentum, he allows that it took place at this time, and that it was connected with serious disturbances at Sparta;7 but he contents himself with simply repeating the account given by Antiochus of the matter, without any attempt to explain its difficulties, or to harmonise it with the statements of other writers. These statements are so various and conflicting, while their authority is so nearly equal, that they seem to be fairly regarded as one and all "distortions of a historical fact."9 Bishop Thirlwall's conjectural restoration of the fact is on the whole satisfactory, and if not history, deserves to be regarded as the best substitute for history that is possible, considering the scantiness and contradictory character of the data. 5 History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 489. 6 Ibid. p. 481. Mr. Grote quotes the authority of Lachmann (Spart. Verfass. § 12, p. 216), and refers to Xen. Hel. len. III. iii. § 8 as decisive. But this passage does not really determine anything. I cannot think that in any Greek State the name of ἐκκλησία— ordinarily understood to mean the general assembly of the people-would have been applied to a body consisting of twenty-eight members. 7 Ibid. p. 574, note; and vol. iii. pp. 512-515. 8 Antiochus and Ephorus related that Tarentum was colonised by the Spartans, called Parthenie, the progeny borne during the absence of the men in the Messenian war by the wives VOL. III. and daughters of the Spartans engaged in it. Despised and deprived of the rights of citizens, they plotted a revolt, which was discovered and crushed, the detected conspirators being compelled to seek another country (Strab. 1. s. c.). Diodorus, on the contrary, traces the foundation to the Epeunacte (Excerpt. Vat. lib. vii. 10, Fr. 12, Maii), who, according to Theopompus (Fr. 190), were Helots married to the widows of those Spartans who had fallen in the war. There are considerable differences between the narratives of Antiochus and 354 SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. APP. BOOK V. 24. The second Messenian war broke out, according to Pausanias, thirty-nine years after the close of the first. It has been argued that this interval is too short to suit the expression of Tyrtæus the only writer of authority on the subject that the second war was carried on by those whose "fathers' fathers" carried on the first. The objection, however, is of no great weight; and, on the whole, the numbers of Pausanias have a better claim to be considered historical than any others which have come down to us. We may therefore place the great revolt, and the commencement of the second war, in B.C. 685; regarding this date, however, like those of the former war, as no more than approximate. 3 25. The events of the second Messenian war, as recorded in Pausanias, have a more poetic colouring than those of the first, as might have been expected, considering that they are probably drawn entirely from the epic of Rhianus. They consist principally of the wonderful exploits of Aristomenes, who takes the place occupied by Aristodemus in the first war, but is a still more conspicuous figure. His daring ventures and hair-breadth escapes, his skilful stratagems and reckless bravery, form the staple of the narrative; which has too little the air of an authentic account to deserve much notice in this brief summary of Sparta's early history. As in the first war, so in this, there were said to have been three battles; the first, in which the two foes contended singly, took place in the first year, at Deræ in Messenia, and had no decisive result; 5 the second, in which the Messenians were assisted by the Argives, the Sicyonians, the Arcadians and the Pisata, while the Spartans had the aid of the Corinthians and the Lepreats, was fought in the second year on the plain of Steny clerus, at a place called the "Boar's 1 Pausan. IV. xv. § 1. 2 By K. O. Müller (Dorians, vol. i. ch. vii. § 11), and Mr. Grote (Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. pp. 587, 588, note 1). 3 Mr. Grote says, "Speaking in the present year (1846), it would not be held proper to say 'The fathers of our fathers carried on the war between 1793 and the peace of Amiens.'" But this comparison is not just. From the close of the second Messenian war to the commencement of the first is an interval-according to the numbers of Pausanias-not of 53 years (as that between 1793 and 1846), but of 75 years. The number 39 is exact. The numbers of Justin (iii. 5) and Eusebius (Chron. Can. ii. p. 321 and p. 327) are round numbers. Justin's 80 years between the two wars is probably an estimate of the length of two generations; Eusebius's 90 years an estimate of three generations. Tyrtæus is the foundation for both, but he has been misunderstood. The three generations of which he speaks include both wars. 5 Pausan. IV. xv. § 2. ESSAY I. DURATION OF THE WAR. 6 355 Tomb," and was a very complete Messenian victory; the third, in which Messenia had (nominally) the help of the Arcadians, while Sparta stood alone, fell in the third year, and was a still more complete Messenian defeat, through the treachery of the Arcadians, who drew off their troops in the middle of the battle. This last fight took place at the spot called "the Great Trench," which seems to have been in the plain between Stenyclerus and Andania-the birthplace of Aristomenes. This general after his defeat betook himself, with the shattered remains of his army, to the mountain called Eira; which was occupied and fortified in the same way Ithômé had been in the first war,8 and became thenceforth the headthat quarters of the resistance. The Messenians maintained this position for at least eleven years, sometimes under their enterprising leader making forays deep into the heart of Laconia, and bringing an ample spoil to their stronghold. Finally, however, Aristomenes being disabled by a wound, and discipline becoming relaxed, Eira was taken by surprise during a stormy night, and the war came to an end by its capture.2 Aristomenes, with a considerable number of his countrymen, escaped into Arcadia, whence he emigrated to Rhodes, where he passed the remainder of his days with Damagêtus, his son-in-law. Such of the inhabitants as did not fly their country were reduced once more to the condition of Helots; and Messenia became an integral portion of the Spartan territory, from which it was not severed until the time of Epaminondas. 4 26. The duration of the second Messenian war, according to the dates contained in Pausanias, was seventeen years; his details, however, only allow for fourteen years. 6 Pausan. xv. § 4, and xvi. § 3. It was said to have been in connection with this battle that the couplet was made which continued to be sung to the time of Pausanias (ibid. § 4)— Ες τε μέσον πεδίον Στενυκλήριον, ἔς τ ̓ ὄρος ἄκρον Εἴπετ' 'Αριστομένης τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις. 7 Ibid. IV. xvii. § 2. Tyrtæus, who aided the Spartans throughout the second war, celebrated this battle (Eustrat. ad Arist. Eth. Nic. iii. 8, § 5, p. 102, ed. Zell). 8 Ibid. § 6, and IV. xviii. § 1. Eira was a mountain in the north-western part of Messenia, where it bordered Other writers 5 furnish an upon Arcadia, and was probably chosen to facilitate the arrival of Arcadian succours, as well as to render a retire. ment into that region, in case of defeat, comparatively easy. Pausan. IV. xx. § 1. Pausanias makes the war last seventeen years, but only accounts in his details for fourteen of them-viz. three years, while the Messenians kept the field, and eleven after they shut themselves up in Eira. 1 Ibid. IV. xviii. and xix. 5 As Plutarch, who makes the actual 356 WAR WITH ARCADIA. APP. BOOK V. estimate beyond the higher of these two numbers. On the whole we may safely conclude that the contest terminated before the middle of the seventh century B.C., and probably lasted from about B.C. 685 to B.C. 668. 27. The conclusion of the Messenian struggle was closely followed by an invasion of Triphylia and Pisatis," the inhabitants of which had assisted the Messenians in the war. These countries, which intervened between Messenia and the "hollow Elis"-consisting of the valleys of the Alpheus and some minor streams—were conquered and made subject to the Eleans, who had rendered services to the Spartans during the contest. 8 28. The second Messenian war had been conducted by the two kings, Anaxander, the grandson of Polydorus, and Anaxidamus, the great-grandson of Theopompus. During the reign of their successors Eurycrates II. and Archidamus, the war with Arcadia, which Herodotus mentions, appears to have broken out. The attack had been provoked by the assistance lent to Messenia in both her struggles, and seems to have been commenced with extensive views of general conquest. It soon however settled into a struggle with the single town of Tegea, which resisted all attempts against its independence for two generations, but in the third, having lost its palladium, suffered several defeats, and sank into the condition of a dependent ally of Sparta, entitled however to peculiar honours.1 About the same time or a little earlier, Sparta conquered the Thyreatis from Argos,2 and thus extended her dominion over the entire southern half of the Peloponnese. The external history of Sparta from this point is traced with sufficient distinctness by Herodotus, and will not therefore be further pursued in this place. It only remains to notice certain internal changes of importance, which intervened between the time of Theopompus and the reigns of Cleomenes and Demaratus. siege of Eira last "above 20 years," and who would therefore certainly assign to the war a duration of 24 or 25 years (see his treatise "De Sera Numinis Vindicta," p. 548, F.), and Suidas ad voc. Tupraîos, who speaks of the war in which this poet took part having lasted 20 years. 6 Pausan. VI. xxii. § 2; Strabo, viii. p. 515. 7 Herod. i. 66. Compare Pausan. II. iii. § 5. 8 The Spartans consulted the Delphic oracle" in respect of all Arcadia" (èrì πάσῃ τῇ ̓Αρκάδων χώρῃ, Herod. l. s. c.). 9 Herod. i. 67, 68; Pausan. III. iii. § 6. 1 Ibid. ix. 26-28. The Tegeatæ had the privilege of occupying one of the wings in the armies of Sparta. 2 Ibid. i. 82; Strab. viii. p. 546. |
