404 USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS. APP. BOOK V. -the family of the Aristolaïds. Against them were ranged the Parali, or party of the sea-coast, the mercantile and commercial class in Athens and in the various ports, consisting in part of Eupatrids, but mainly of those who owed everything to the legislation of Solon, and whom his timocratical system especially favoured. These had at their head the Alcmeonid Megacles, a grandson of the archon, and formed the Conservative party of the time, which was content with the existing constitution, and wished for nothing but to maintain it. The Hyperacrii were the party of the Movement, consisting chiefly of the poor yeomen and labourers, who with difficulty got a living from the land in the barren cantons of the east and north, and consequently only recognised in the Solonian constitution as Thetes, debarred from office under his system, and perhaps disappointed that he had done no more for them than to cancel their debts; they were anxious for changes in the opposite direction to those desired by the Pedieis, demanding probably some such reforms as those which Clisthenes, half a century later, accomplished. As frequently happens with the democratical party in its earlier struggles, they were at a loss for a head, and hence they readily accepted the offer of Pisistratus to lead them, though he was previously known only by his military talents and by his relationship to Solon, which can scarcely have been at this time a ground of popularity. The three parties were organised, we are told, and had begun a furious contention, when Solon returned from his travels. He saw the danger of the crisis, detected the ambition of his kinsman, and strenuously exerted himself, both by entreaties addressed privately to the leaders,5 and warnings given openly to the people, to avert the coming revolution. But his efforts were unavailing. His long absence and his advanced age alike tended to weaken his authority; the chiefs paid no heed to his prayers, and the people thought little of his warnings. He was compelled to witness sorrowfully the fulfilment of his worst anticipations by the success of the artifice which made Pisistratus tyrant of Athens.7 Even then he did not compromise his character or bate his freedom 4 6 2 See note 2 on page 402. Supra, page 387. Plut. Vit. Sol. c. 29. Laertius follows a different tradition. He makes Solon quit Athens on account of the tyranny of Pisistratus, and refuse to return thither (i. § 50, and § 67). 5 Plut. Sol. 1. s. c. 6 See Fragments xvii. and xviii., and compare Plut. Vit. Sol. c. 30; Diog. Laert. i. § 49. 7 Herodotus, i. 59; Plut. Vit. Sol. 1. s. c. ESSAY II. SOLON REPROACHES THE ATHENIANS. 8 405 of speech. During the short time that he survived the usurpation, which seems to have been little more than a year, he continued to reproach the Athenians with their tameness and folly, and to remind them that their own hands had placed the yoke of servitude upon their necks.9 35. The tyranny of Pisistratus and his sons occupied a space of almost exactly half a century. As Herodotus gives a tolerably full account of this period,' and as it has been amply discussed by modern writers, no attempt will be made to give a connected view of it here. The "early" History of Athens-its dark and unfamiliar period-may indeed be considered to end with Solon, who stands. at the close of the archaic state of things, and at the commencement of that new phase which has been forcibly and truly said to be more modern than ancient. For this latter period, so far as it falls within the space covered by our author, such illustration as seemed necessary is given in the foot-notes.3 Those who require more are referred to the thirtieth and thirty-first chapters of Mr. Grote's History, which contain the most accurate digest of the ancient authorities, and the most philosophical comment upon them, to be found in the whole range of modern literature. 8 Plut. Vit. Sol. ad fin. Compare Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 366, and Grote, iii. p. 208. 9 See Fragment xix. : Εἰ δὲ πεπόνθατε δεινὰ δι' ὑμετέρην κακότητα, 1 From B.C. 560 to B.C. 510. It was not, however, continuous. On the probable arrangement of the several reigns and exiles of Pisistratus, see Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. Append. c. ii. 2 Book i. chs. 59-64, and Book v. chs. 55-65. Compare also, v. 94; vi. 103; vii. 6; &c. 10 See especially the notes to Book i. chs. 63, 64; Book iii. ch. 60, note ; Book v. chs. 56, 65, 66, 69, 97; Book vi. ch. 103; and Book viii. ch. 79. THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS, ENTITLED ERATO. 1. ARISTAGORAS, the author of the Ionian revolt, perished in the way which I have described. Meanwhile, Histiæus, tyrant of Miletus, who had been allowed by Darius to leave Susa, came down to Sardis. On his arrival, being asked by Artaphernes, the Sardian satrap, what he thought was the reason that the Ionians had rebelled, he made answer that he could not conceive, and it had astonished him greatly, pretending to be quite unconscious of the whole business. Artaphernes, however, who perceived that he was dealing dishonestly, and who had in fact full knowledge of the whole history of the outbreak, said to him, "I will tell thee how the case stands, Histiæus this shoe is of thy stitching; Aristagoras has but put it on." 2. Such was the remark made by Artaphernes concerning the rebellion. Histiæus, alarmed at the knowledge which he displayed, so soon as night fell, fled away to the coast. Thus he forfeited his word to Darius; for though he had pledged himself to bring Sardinia, the biggest island in the whole world, under the Persian yoke,' he in reality sought to obtain 66 1 Vide supra, v. 106. "An expedition against Sardinia," as Mr. Grote observes, seems to have been among the favourite fancies of the Ionic Greeks of that day." (Hist. of Greece, vol. iv. p. 400; and compare supra, i. 170, v. 124, and Pausan. IV. xxiii. § 4.) It is curious that it was never realized. While the coasts of Sicily, Italy, Gaul, and Spain were studded CHAP. 1-4. HISTIEUS COMES DOWN TO THE COAST. 407 Crossing over to the direction of the war against the king. Chios, he was there laid in bonds by the inhabitants, who accused him of intending some mischief against them in the interest of Darius. However, when the whole truth was laid before them, and they found that Histiæus was in reality a foe to the king, they forthwith set him at large again. 3. After this the Ionians inquired of him for what reason he had so strongly urged Aristagoras to revolt from the king, thereby doing their nation so ill a service. In reply, he took good care not to disclose to them the real cause, but told them that King Darius had intended to remove the Phoenicians from their own country, and place them in Ionia, while he planted the Ionians in Phoenicia, and that it was for this reason he sent Aristagoras the order. Now it was not true that the king had entertained any such intention, but Histiæus succeeded hereby in arousing the fears of the Ionians.2 8 4. After this, Histiæus, by means of a certain Hermippus, a native of Atarneus, sent letters to many of the Persians in Sardis, who had before held some discourse with him concerning a revolt. Hermippus, however, instead of conveying them to the persons to whom they were addressed, delivered them into the hands of Artaphernes, who, perceiving what was on foot, commanded Hermippus to deliver the letters acording to their addresses, and then bring him back the answers which were sent to Histiæus. The traitors being in this way dis with colonies from Greece, and even Corsica had at least one settlement of some note (Alalia), Sardinia, notwithstanding its great fertility (Strabo, v. p. 318; Cic. Leg. Man. 12; Polyb. i. 79) and convenient position, appears (unless we believe the tale of Iolaus, Pausan. x. 17; Steph. Byz. ad voc. 'OAẞía) never to have attracted a single Hellenic colony. Perhaps the power of Carthage was fully established there before the Greeks became familiar with the locality. 2 The readiness with which this was believed proves, even better than historical instances, how frequent such transfers of population were in the great oriental empires. (Vide supra, iv. 204, note 3, and compare vol. ii. p. 564, note ".) 3 Atarneus, in Herodotus, is not a city, but a tract. It lies opposite Lesbos, between the range of Cané and the sea. It is reckoned in Mysia, but belongs to the Chians, being the reward which they received from Harpagus for delivering up Pactyas. (Cf. i. 160; vi. 28; vii. 42; viii. 106.) In after times there seems to have been a town of the same name upon the coast. (Scylax, Peripl. p. 88; Xen. Hellen. III. ii. 11; Strab. xiii. pp. 882, 883.) 408 HISTIÆUS SAILS TO THE HELLESPONT. BOOK VI. covered, Artaphernes put a number of Persians to death, and caused a commotion in Sardis.4 5. As for Histiæus, when his hopes in this matter were disappointed, he persuaded the Chians to carry him back to Miletus; but the Milesians were too well pleased at having got quit of Aristagoras to be anxious to receive another tyrant into their country; besides which they had now tasted liberty. They therefore opposed his return; and when he endeavoured to force an entrance during the night, one of the inhabitants even wounded him in the thigh. Having been thus rejected from his country, he went back to Chios; whence, after failing in an attempt to induce the Chians to give him ships, he crossed over to Mytilêné, where he succeeded in obtaining vessels from the Lesbians. They fitted out a squadron of eight triremes, and sailed with him to the Hellespont, where they took up their station, and proceeded to seize all the vessels which passed out from the Euxine, unless the crews declared themselves ready to obey his orders. 6. While Histiæus and the Mytilenæans were thus employed, Miletus was expecting an attack from a vast armament, which comprised both a fleet and also a land force. The Persian captains had drawn their several detachments together,5 and formed them into a single army; and had resolved to pass over all the other cities, which they regarded as of lesser account, and to march straight on Miletus. Of the naval 4 I cannot accept Mr. Grote's account of this transaction. (Hist. of Greece, vol. iv. p. 401.) According to him, Histiæus laid a trap into which Artaphernes fell. The letters written were 'false," and Hermippus was instructed to take care that Artaphernes got possession of them. The suspected conspirators were quite innocent, and Artaphernes damaged his Own cause by killing them. It is unnecessary to point out how irreconcileable such a view is with the entire story of Herodotus. Probably Mr. Grote was led to depart from his authority by perceiving the improbability of any Persians 5 Hitherto the Persian forces had |