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"was very deplorable," says Clarendon. "France was not at all pleased with his being come thither, nor did quickly take notice of his being there. The queen his mother was very glad of his escape, but in no degree able to contribute towards his support; they who had interest with her finding all she had, or could get, too little for their own unlimited expense." The queen's pension from the French court was irregularly paid; "nor had the king one shilling towards the support of himself and his family." *

WHITELOCKE'S DESCRIPTION OF CROMWELL'S ARMY, IN A CONVERSATION WITH CHRISTINA, QUEEN OF SWEDEN.

We shall have occasion, in its due place in the text, to notice the embassy of Whitelocke to Sweden, at the end of 1653. His conversations with the famous queen, Christina, the daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, are singularly interesting; far more so than the ordinary records of diplomacy. We select one conversation, in which the Ambassador Extraordinary describes to the accomplished sovereign— who had an admiration of Cromwell very unusual amongst crowned heads-the composition of that Army with which the General won his great victories. At the first private interview between the queen of Sweden and the English minister, Whitelocke having presented her with his instructions which he saw she perfectly understood, her majesty went at once to matters in which she expressed her personal opinions, and sought for information beyond the ordinary range of state discussions :

"Queen. Your General is one of the gallantest men in the world; never were such things done as by the English in your late war. Your General hath done the greatest things of any man in the world; the Prince of Condé is next to him, but short of him. I have as great a respect and honour for your General, as for any man alive; and I pray, let him know as much from me.

"Whitelocke. My General is indeed a very brave man; his actions shew it; and I shall not fail to signify to him the great honour of your majesty's respects to him; and I assure your majesty, he hath as high honour for you as for any prince in Christendom.

Queen. I have been told that many officers of your army will themselves pray and preach to their soldiers; is that true?

"Whitelocke. Yes, madam, it is very true. When their enemies are swearing, or debauching, or pillaging, the officers and soldiers of the parliament's army used to be encouraging and exhorting one another out of the word of God, and praying together to the Lord of Hosts for his blessing to be with them; who hath shewed his approbation of this military preaching, by the successes he hath given them. "Queen. That's well. Do you use to do so too?

"Whitelocke. Yes, upon some occasions, in my own family; and think it as proper for me, being the master of it, to admonish and speak to my people when there is cause, as to be beholden to another to do it for me, which sometimes brings the chaplain into more credit than his lord.

"Queen. Doth your General and other great officers do so? "Whitelocke. Yes, madam, very often, and very well. Nevertheless, they maintain chaplains and ministers in their houses and regiments; and such as are godly and worthy ministers have as much respect, and as good provision in England, as in any place of Christendom. Yet 'tis the opinion of many good men with us, that a long cassock, with a silk girdle, and a great beard, do not make a learned or good preacher, without gifts of the Spirit of God and labouring in his vineyard; and whosoever studies the Holy Scripture, and is enabled to do good to the souls of others, and endeavours the same, is no where forbidden by that Word, nor is it blameable. The officers and soldiers of the parliament held it not unlawful, when they carried their lives in their hands, and were going to adventure them in the high places of the field, to encourage one another out of His

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Word who commands over all; and this had more weight and impression with it than any other word could have; and was never denied to be made use of but by the popish prelates, who by no means would admit lay people (as they call them) to gather from thence that instruction and comfort which can no where else be found.

"Queen. Methinks you preach very well, and have now made a good sermon. I assure you I like it very well.

"Whitelocke. Madam, I shall account it a great happiness if any of my words please you.

"Queen. Indeed, sir, these words of yours do shall be glad to hear you oftener on that strain.

very much please me; and I But I pray tell me, where did

your General, and you his officers, learn this way of praying and preaching yourselves?

"Whitelocke. We learnt it from a near friend of your majesty, whose memory all the protestant interest hath cause to honour. "Queen. My friend! who was that?

"Whitelocke. It was your father, the great king Gustavus Adolphus, who upon his first landing in Germany (as many then present have testified), did himself in person upon the shore, on his knees, give thanks to God for his blessing upon that undertaking; and he would frequently exhort his people out of God's word; and God testified his great liking thereof, by the wonderful successes he was pleased to vouchsafe to that gallant king.”*

Cromwell's return to London-Reforming policy of Cromwell-Conference on the Settlement of the Nation-Foreign Relations of the Commonwealth-Differences with the United Provinces -Dutch War-Commerce-The Navigation Act-The Navy of England-Blake-Battles of Blake and Van Tromp-Petition of the Army to the Parliament-Dialogue between Cromwell and Whitelocke-The question of future Representation-Dissolution of the Long Parliament-Public Opinion on the Dissolution-Summons for a Parliament.

THE Parliament and people of England felt that Cromwell had saved the Commonwealth. He had done more than maintain a form of government. He had stopped the triumphant return to unlimited power of a prince who, once seated at Whitehall by military superiority, would have swept away every vestige of the liberty and security that had been won since 1640. The greater part of Europe was fast passing into complete despotism; and the state vessel of England would have been borne along helplessly into that shoreless sea. The enemies of Cromwell-the enthusiastic royalists and the theoretic republicans-saw, with dread and hatred, that by the natural course of events, the victorious General would become the virtual head of the Commonwealth. He probably could not suppress the same conviction in his own breast. Ludlow thus writes of Cromwell's return to London after the battle of Worcester: "The General, after this action, which he called the crowning victory, took upon him a more stately behaviour, and chose new friends; neither must it be omitted, that instead of acknowledging the

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services of those who came from all parts to assist against the common enemy, though he knew they had deserved as much honour as himself and the standing army, he frowned upon them, and the very next day after the fight dismissed and sent them home, well knowing, that a useful and experienced militia was more likely to obstruct than to second him in his ambitious designs. Being on his way to London, many of the Members of Parliament, attended by the City, and great numbers of persons of all orders and conditions, went some miles out of the town to meet him, which tended not a little to heighten the spirit of this haughty gentleman.

*

In

a word, so much was he elevated with that success, that Mr. Hugh Peters, as he since told me, took so much notice of it, as to say in confidence to a friend upon the road in his return from Worcester, that Cromwell would make himself king." Again and again Ludlow dwells upon the expression used by Cromwell in his letter to the Parliament, as if it were a foreshadowing of his own "crowning." Later writers accept it in the same sense. Cromwell's real phrase is this: "The dimensions of this mercy are above my thoughts: it is, for aught I know, a crowning mercy." To one who was as familiar with Scripture phraseology as Ludlow was, it seems extraordinary that he should attach any more recondite sense to this epithet than that of a perfecting mercy or victory. "Thou crownest the year with thy goodness" is the same as "Thou completest the year with thy goodness."

The authority of the Commonwealth being supreme in every quarterEngland tranquil; Ireland subdued; Scotland incapable of attempting any further enterprise of a royalist character; the Channel Islands now garrisoned by a parliamentary force;-the reduction of the army was a natural policy. The Militia had been disbanded; but the great body of men in arms, who had so largely influenced the course of military and civil events, were still allpowerful. The regular army was reduced to twenty-five thousand men. The General made no opposition to a measure which in some degree arose from a jealous apprehension of his power. He was now most strenuous for the advancement of two great measures-an Act of Amnesty, and a Law for the ' Election of future Parliaments. These subjects had been often discussed, and as often laid aside. Upon Cromwell's return to London, he urged both measures forward with his wonted energy. They were just and salutary measures; yet evil motives were ascribed to him by the republicans. grew," says Ludlow, "most familiar with those whom he used to show most aversion to; endeavouring to oblige the royal party, by procuring for them more favourable conditions than consisted with the justice of the Parliament to grant, under colour of quieting the spirits of many people.” † The Law for the Election of future Parliaments was passed, by the House voting that it would not continue its sittings beyond the 3rd of November, 1654. Even this half measure was only carried by a small majority. It became manifest that the Parliament did not rest on very secure foundations. The old question of a Settlement of the Nation was very forcibly revived in many minds. How difficult a question it was may be collected from Whitelocke's report of a Conference held at Speaker Lenthall's house, by request of Cromwell. We do not attempt to abridge this account,

* "Memoirs," vol. i. p. 365, and vol. ii, p. 447.

"He

Ibid. vol. ii. p. 447.