38

LAUD CONDEMNED AND EXECUTED.

[1645.

passing away from them. They endeavoured to rekindle all the violence of religious intolerance, by resuming proceedings against archbishop Laud. In the previous March his trial had commenced upon specific charges, founded upon those which had first been brought forward on his impeachment. defended himself with skill and courage. The arbitrary power of the ecclesiastical courts which he had upheld was at an end. There was meanness and cruelty in his prosecution, after four years of imprisonment. It was the triumph of a bigotry far more odious than his own attempt to tyrannise in matters of religious opinion. His most active persecutor was William Prynne, who never relaxed in his thirst for vengeance upon the intolerance which he now repaid in tenfold measure. By an ordinance of Parliament, voted by a few Lords-some say seven only-he was condemned for high-treason. There might be the plea of state necessity for the execution of Strafford; but to send this aged prelate to the block, whose power for good or evil was wholly gone, was atrocious in a higher degree, for this shedding of blood was useless. He was beheaded on the 10th of January, 1645. On the 3rd the Liturgy of the Church of England, which had been previously tolerated, was abolished. by ordinance. Four others were sent to the scaffold at the same time for political offences;-Sir John Hotham and his son; lord Macguire; and sir Alexander Carew. The Presbyterians were left to these courses of severity, whilst their opponents were urging the adoption of "the Self-denying Ordinance." It was rejected on the 13th of January, by the Lords. The reason for the rejection was that they did not know "what shape the army will now suddenly take." But the agitation of this question had rendered a great change necessary. On the 21st of January, Fairfax was nominated general; and, within a month, a new model for the army was arranged and carried. The Self-denying Ordinance, with modifications, was ultimately passed.

The most strenuous attempt at pacification between the king and the Parliament was made at the beginning of 1645. Ludlow has briefly recorded the main facts: "It was agreed that Commissioners should be sent from the Parliament to treat with others to be sent from the king, about conditions of peace. The place of their meeting was at Uxbridge. * * * The king had owned the two Houses as a parliament, to which he was not without difficulty persuaded, though he had by an act engaged that they should continue to be a parliament till they had dissolved themselves, which they had not done."* Charles wrote to his queen, "As for my calling those at London a parliament, I shall refer thee to Digby for particular satisfaction; this in general: if there had been but two, besides myself, of my opinion, I had not done it; and the argument that prevailed with me was, that the calling did no ways acknowledge them to be a parliament." This was his apology to Henrietta Maria, when she bitterly reproached him, saying, "When you were resolved to make a little council of four, you showed me a paper in which were many things about which you would never relax, of which this was the first." A negotiation entered upon in such a spirit was not likely to end in any agreement for the public good. Clarendon, who was one of the king's commis

*

"Memoirs," p. 149.

"King's Cabinet Opened," Harleian Miscellany, vol. v. p. 513. Green's "Letters." p, 276.

1645.]

TREATY OF UXBRIDGE.

39

sioners at Uxbridge, has left the amplest details of the progress of this treaty. The commissioners sent by the Parliament were chiefly of the more moderate party. Men who had been united in the first days of the Long Parliament, but had since become political enemies, now met in a common hope that once more they might become friends. Sir Edward Hyde and lord Colepepper renewed their intercourse with Mr. Hollis and Mr. Saint John. The chancellor of Scotland, lord Loudon, and the parliamentary lords Pembroke and Denbigh, had private discussions with Hyde and others, in which they imparted their mutual hopes and fears. "There was a good house at the end of the town, which was provided for the treaty, where was a fair room in the middle of the house, handsomely dressed up for the commissioners to sit in."* Each party ate in its own inn, for there were "two great ones

which served very well to that purpose." The duke of Richmond presided at the table of the king's commissioners. Their debates were at first grave and courteous; seldom disturbed by any acrimonious reflections upon the past; always difficult and protracted for many hours. The three great points which they had to discuss were, the Church, the state of Ireland, the Militia. They took each separately. The Presbyterians, with the Scottish divines, were as strenuous for the abolition of episcopacy, as the Episcopalians, with the learned doctors from Oxford, were resolute for its maintenance. Some trifling concessions were made on either side; and an approach to an agreement did not seem absolutely hopeless. The question of Ireland was

That"fair room," with its black oak panels, quaintly carved, was, within the last twelve years, the principal room of the "Treaty-house Inn." We have often rested there, to indulge, over a traveller's meal, in reveries of that discussion of twenty days which made this room famous.

40

VICTORIES OF MONTROSE.

[1645.

not so difficult. That of the Militia,—the question which of two parties should hold the great instrument of power-was at one period of the discussion resolving itself into a manageable shape. Lord Southampton was deputed to proceed to Oxford to see if he could obtain some concession from the king that would place the military authority under the joint control of the Crown and the Parliament, each naming half of the leaders, for a limited number of years. Dr. Welwood has a remarkable story connected with this mission: "Though the Parliament's demands were high, and the king showed a more than ordinary aversion to comply with them; yet the ill posture of the king's affairs at that time, and the fatal consequences they feared would follow upon the breaking off of the treaty, obliged a great many of the king's friends, and more particularly that noble person the earl of Southampton, who had gone post from Uxbridge to Oxford for that purpose, to press the king again and again upon their knees, to yield to the necessity of the times; and by giving his assent to some of the most material propositions that were sent him, to settle a lasting peace with his people. The king was at last prevailed with to follow their counsel; and the next morning was appointed for signing a warrant to his commissioners to that effect. And so sure were they of a happy end of all differences, that the king at supper complaining his wine was not good, one told him merrily, He hoped that his majesty would drink better before a week was over, at Guildhall with the lord mayor. But so it was, that when they came early the next morning to wait upon him with the warrant that had been agreed upon over night, they found his majesty had changed his resolution, and was become inflexible in these points." This sudden change in the king's resolves might have been ascribed to the capricious vacillation which he often displayed, whether from the changing moods of his own mind, or the influence of the queen and other secret advisers. In the instance before us, the altered temper is referred to a letter from Montrose, which had been received by Charles during the night. In the middle of December that daring chieftain had forced an entry into the country of the Campbells, wasting all before him. The mountains were covered with snow; the passes were imperfectly known; yet Montrose made his way, burning and slaughtering, till at length Argyle himself fled from his castle of Inverary, and left the unhappy clans to the vengeance of his deadly enemy. Montrose having sated his revenge till the end of January, marched towards Inverness. Argyle had returned with some forces from the Lowlands to the Western Highlands; and was in a position near the castle of Inverlochy, when Montrose suddenly came down upon him from the mountains. The battle was a decisive victory on the part of the royalist leader, who wrote an account of his exploits to Charles, which letter Dr. Welwood prints, having seen a copy under the duke of Richmond's hand." Montrose says that after he had laid waste the whole country of Argyle, " my march was through inaccessible mountains, where I could have no guides but cowherds, and they scarce acquainted with a place but six miles from their own habitations. **** The difficultest march of all was over the Lochaber mountains, which we at last surmounted, and came upon the back of the enemy when they least suspected us." Having described his victory over "the rebels," he then proceeds to offer Charles his advice. His exultation at his triumph was so unbounded, that he concluded a few victories in Scotland would again

66

1645.]

THE RE-MODELLED ARMY.

41

66

place the king, with uncontrolled power, upon the thrones of both kingdoms. He has heard news, he says, as if your majesty was entering into a treaty with your rebel Parliament in England. The success of your arms in Scotland does not more rejoice my heart, as that news from England is like to break it. * * * * The more your majesty grants, the more will be asked; and I have too much reason to know, that they will not rest satisfied with less than making your majesty a king of straw. **** Forgive me, sacred sovereign, to tell your majesty, that in my poor opinion, it is unworthy of a king to treat with rebel subjects while they have the sword in their hands. And though God forbid I should stint your majesty's mercy, yet I must declare the horror I am in, when I think of a treaty, while your majesty and they are in the field with two armies; unless they disband, and submit themselves entirely to your majesty's goodness and pardon. * * * Give me leave, with all humility, to assure your majesty, that through God's blessing, I am in the fairest hopes of reducing this kingdom to your majesty's obedience. And if the measures I have concerted with your other loyal subjects fail me not, which they hardly can, I doubt not but before the end of this summer, I shall be able to come to your majesty's assistance with a brave army; which, backed with the justice of your majesty's cause, will make the rebels in England, as well as in Scotland, feel the just rewards of rebellion." *

The treaty of Uxbridge was to last twenty days. The last day expired on a Saturday, and nothing was concluded. "They having on Sunday performed their usual visits to each other, parted with such coolness, as if they scarce hoped to meet again." When the parliamentary commissioners returned to London, they found that Fairfax had received his commission as sole general. The new model for the army was being practically carried into effect. Argyle arrived from Scotland, stung by defeat and disgrace; and agreed with the extreme party in urging forward whatever measures would lead to the active prosecution of the war. The peers withdrew from their opposition to the self-denying ordinance, and it was finally passed on the 3rd of April. The military services of Cromwell were of such importance that Fairfax and his officers urged that, without regard to the ordinance, he might be temporarily appointed the lieutenant-general, chief commander of the horse. The earls of Essex, Manchester, and Denbigh, gave in their resignations. There was a great change in the operations of the Parliament. There was to be an equal change in the councils of the king. It was resolved that the prince of Wales should be sent into the western counties with the title of generalissimo, and that the most discreet advisers of Charles should accompany the prince, yet only fifteen years old, to direct all measures in his name. The more violent of the Cavaliers now formed the advisers of Charles. Oxford resounded with songs of mockery against the pestilent Roundheads. The royalist newspapers derided the folly which had dismissed the old parliamentary leaders, to place in their room untried and obscure men. The followers of such were fanatical mechanics, who would fly at the first sound of their cannon. As the summer approached the king's affairs were rapidly mending. He had taken Leicester by storm. Taunton was besieged by the

* Welwood's "Memoirs," p. 306, ed. 1736.

+ Clarendon, vol. i. p. 81.

42

FAIRFAX AND CROMWELL.

royalists. Fairfax was surrounding Oxford, but inactive. Cromwell was active in the counties of the Eastern Association. Those who had opposed the re-modelling of the army complained that the new organisation had produced no effective results. Fairfax, on the 5th of June, received commands

[1645.

to raise the siege of Oxford, and go to the midland counties after the king.

The general sent a requisition to the Parliament that Cromwell might be permitted to join him. He was indispensable, Fairfax and his colonels said, as commander of the cavalry. There is alarm in the eastern counties. Cromwell writes from Cambridge to the deputy lieutenants of Suffolk: "The cloud of the enemy's army hanging still upon the borders, and drawing towards Harborough, make some supposals that they aim at the Association." A postscript adds, "Since the writing hereof we received certain intelligence that the enemy's body, with sixty carriages, was on his march towards the Association, three miles on this side Harborough, last night at four of the clock." Cromwell calls for "horse and dragoons"-all your horse and dragoons to hasten to Newmarket. The foot are to rendezvous at Bury. On the 13th of June, Fairfax and Cromwell were marching after the king, who went before them from Daventry to Harborough. On the 14th of June was fought the battle of Naseby.

Cromwell wrote the despatch announcing the result of this battle to the Speaker of the House of Commons. This letter was written on the evening of that day which was fatal to the hopes of the royalists. "He [the king] drew out to meet us. Both armies engaged. We, after three hours' fight very doubtful, at last routed his army; killed and took about 5000-very many officers, but of what quality we yet know not. We took also about 200 carriages, all he had; and all his guns, being 12 in number, whereof two were demi-cannon, two demi-culverins, and I think the rest sackers. We pursued the enemy from three miles short of Harborough to nine beyond, even to the sight of Leicester, whither the king fled. Sir, this is none other but the hand of God; and to Him alone give the glory, wherein none are to share with Him."* Minuter chroniclers than the man who had the chief share of the work have given us ample details of this victory.† The Cavaliers were so confident of their strength that they were amusing

Carlyle vol. i. p. 176.

+ See Carlyle, vol. iii. Appendix, No. vii.