Thus finishes this wonderful Essay; the most important contribution to human knowledge, it appears to me, that ever was made. On rising from it, with a mind overpowered by the vastness of the subject, and the incomparable way in which it has been treated, I cannot but consider its author to have been the greatest benefactor of mankind, without any exception, that ever existed on this earth. I do not say that Mr. Malthus possessed the greatest genius, or most exalted moral character, that has appeared in history; but that the discovery of the law of population, which he made, and the service he thus rendered to his race, was of a higher nature than any other ever conferred upon mankind. It is a discovery, which, in fact, stands quite alone and unapproachable among discoveries, in its relation to human happiness. Compared with it, the labours of poets, of a Shakspeare, a Voltaire, a Goethe, or a Byron; of the physical inquirers-as Newton, Laennec, Humboldt, or Bacon, are utterly insignificant in their power over human happiness. The law of population is beyond all comparison the most important law ever discovered, and the most indispensable contribution to moral, medical, and political science. It explains to us the natural relation of the two very first essentials of human life and happiness, namely, Food and Love; without a knowledge of which, all other knowledge can avail us little. And yet the man, who imparted to his race this priceless knowledge, is little known, and mentioned, if at all, generally rather in terms of ridicule and contempt; while the conventional heroes of the world, poets, moralists, or religious innovators, are worshipped and idolised by all. We will yet learn better, to whom our chief thanks are due; and the incomparable boon, given to us by Mr. Malthus, will yet be estimated at its true value.

As it is of the utmost consequence that all of us should have a thorough comprehension of the great law of population, and a conviction of its paramount importance, I entreat the reader's attention to the description of it, given by Mr. John Stuart Mill, before I proceed to consider further its bearings on the sexual and social problems of the day. Mr. Mill is acknowledged to be the first existing writer on political economy; and his inimitable work on that subject," the Principles of Political Economy," which, for its depth and closeness of reasoning; its iron logic, and brilliant eloquence of style; its wide and comprehensive grasp of social questions; and also its manly, liberal, and deeply sympathising spirit, ever taking the side of the weak against the strong, with a real philanthropy, equalled only by

its profound enlightenment; for these and other matchless qualities, stands unrivalled among the works of the age, and far above my humble praise--this great work is built upon the principle of population as its keystone. Mr. Mill shows, what every one, who deeply considers the question, must see, that this principle lies at the very first foundation of political economy, and also of moral science. Mr. Mill's work should be carefully studied by all, who wish to obtain a true insight into the great social and economical questions of our times.

I should much prefer to give his views on the subject in his own words; but as I cannot take the liberty of making so large an extract from his work, I shall merely give the substance of his opinions, and refer the reader for further satisfaction to the work itself.

Mr. Mill first explains the power of increase inherent in the human species, as in all other living beings; showing, as Mr. Malthus did, that it is immense, if unchecked; and that it is a very moderate calculation to assume that each generation, in a good sanitary condition of the people, might be double that which preceded it, were the power of multiplication not restrained by different causes.

"Twenty or thirty years ago," says Mr. Mill, "these propositions might still have required considerable enforcement and illustration, but the evidence of them is so ample and incontestable, that they have made their way against all kinds of opposition, and may now be regarded as axiomatic; although the extreme reluctance felt to admiting them, every now and then gives birth to some ephemeral theory, speedily forgotten, of a different law of increase in different circumstances, through a providential adaptation of the fecundity of the human species to the exigences of society. The obstacle to a just understanding of the subject does not arise from these theories; but from too confused a notion of the causes, which, at most times and places, keep the actual increase of mankind so far behind the capacity."

He then proceeds, like Mr. Malthus, to examine into these causes; which, he says, are not at all difficult to discern. The increase of the lower animals is checked by the death of the superabundant progeny, whether from not having sufficient food, or from being killed by their enemies. Such is the case also in the savage and uncultivated races of mankind. But the foresight which forms the distinguishing feature of civilized man, prevents him from bringing beings into the world, which he sees cannot be provided for. Therefore population is checked rather by the dread of want, than by want itself; by the preventive rather than the positive check; in proportion as man rises in civilization. The fear of losing their social position, and of forfeiting their

accustomed comforts and luxuries, is the form, which this prudential feeling takes in the upper parts of society.

In a very uncivilized state of society, the population is kept under by positive starvation, generally in the shape of periodical famines.

The

In a higher state it is not by more deaths, but by fewer births, that population is repressed. In different countries this, the preventive check, operates in different ways. In some, especially Norway, and parts of Switzerland, it arises from a prudent self-restraint. labouring classes see that by having large families, they will sink below the condition of comfort to which they are accustomed; and therefore refrain from rash marriages and begetting too numerous offspring. In these countries the average of life is the longest in Europe; both the births and the deaths bear the smallest proportion to the population; and there are fewer children, and a greater number of adults, than in any other part of the world.

In those countries of the continent which have Poor-laws, marriage is everywhere forbidden among those who are in the receipt of relief; and there are few countries which permit marriage, unless the man can show that he can support a family. Such is the case in Bavaria and Norway, in Lubeck, Frankfurt, and many other places. In other countries, as Prussia, Saxony, &c., every man is forced to serve for a time in the army, during which he is not allowed to marry. In some parts of Italy, it is the practice in all classes of society, for only one of the sons to marry, while the rest remain single.

But the enormous amount of reproductive power, which is repressed by these or other preventive checks, is always ready to expand, whenever their pressure is removed. Hence any amelioration in the state of the working classes, in general merely gives room for its expansion for a little; and the increased multiplication, which takes place, does away with all the benefit, and brings back the same state of things as before. Unless the habitual standard of comfort mentioned by Mr. Malthus-by which is meant that down to which they will multiply, but not lower-can be raised, the best endeavours for the elevation of the labouring people end in our having a population, increased in numbers truly, but not in happiness.

There are three elements of production, land, labour, and capital. The first differs from the others in not being capable of indefinite increase. It is limited in quantity, and also in productiveness; and it is this fact which forms the real limit to the increase of production.

But, since there is much land still uncultivated, and as that, which is already cultivated, could produce much more than it does; since in short we have not yet exhausted the resources of the earth; it is com

monly thought, that this limit to population and production is at a great distance.

"I apprehend this," says Mr. Mill, "to be not only an error, but the most serious one to be found in the whole field of political economy. The question is more important and fundamental than any other; it involves the whole subject of the causes of poverty in a rich and industrious community; and unless this one matter be thoroughly understood, it is to no purpose proceeding any further in our enquiry.”

He compares the resistance to production (and therefore to population) from this cause, not to an immovable wall, which stands at a distance from us; but to an elastic band, which is never so tightly stretched, that it could not be more stretched, but which always confines us, and the more tightly the more we approach its limits.

It is the law in agricultural industry that after an early stage in its progress, every increase of produce is obtained upon harder and harder terms.

"This general law of agricultural industry,” says Mr. Mill, “is the most important proposition in political economy. Were the law different, nearly all the phenomena of production and distribution of wealth would be other than they are. The most fundamental errors, which still prevail on our subject, result from not perceiving this law at work underneath the more superficial agencies on which attention fixes itself."

This law is shown by the fact that inferior lands are cultivated; for the very meaning of inferior land is that, which with equal labour returns less produce. The elaborate cultivation, moreover, of the well farmed districts in England and Scotland is a sign of this law; for such high farming costs far more in proportion than the low. In America, where plenty of good land is to be had, and where labour is dear, such careful farming is not to be seen, as there it would not be profitable.

It is this law, according to which the returns of labour tend always to become less and less, that causes the increase of production to be accompanied by a deterioration in the state of the producers.

Therefore the preventive check to population would have not only to be maintained, but gradually to be increased to enable a society merely to hold its ground, and to retain its comforts; were it not for the progress of improvements, which facilitate production. The ratio of the increase of population would need to be progressively diminished, small though it already might be, were it not for these improvements; which may perhaps at times be sufficient to counteract the law of diminishing increase, and allow population to advance at its former slow ratio; or even at times in a somewhat faster ratio, though never assuredly in any old country at a ratio at all approaching to that, of which the reproductive powers are capable. At other times, when the improvements to production are not sufficient to counteract the law, the check upon population must be increased, either in the preventive or the positive mode.

The necessity for checking population is not peculiar, as is often

thought, to a state of society, where there is an unequal distribution of property. This does not even increase the evil; which depends upon the fact that a larger body of men cannot in any case be provided for so well as a smaller; at most it can only make it sooner felt.

Whether the state of a people at any given time is improving or deteriorating, depends upon whether improvement is advancing faster than population, or population than improvement.

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The rate of increase of the French is the smallest in Europe. In the ten years from 1817 to 1827 the annual increase of that nation was 63, while that of the English was 18, and the Americans 3. It has been calculated from the population returns of France, that during the last fifty years, the annual increase has been only 1 in 200; and even this small increase has been owing to the decrease of deaths, for the number of births has remained nearly stationary. Now at no period in her history has the produce of France increased faster than in these fifty years; and hence there is a noticeable improvent in the condition of the working classes.

Wages are regulated in general by competition; and therefore depend upon the demand and supply of labour; in other words the proportion between the labourers and the capital. They cannot be affected by anything else. If they rise, it can only be because there is more capital or fewer labourers; if they fall, it can only be, because there is less capital or more labourers.

There are several common opinions in apparent contradiction to this fact, such as that wages are high when trade is good, that high prices make high wages, that wages vary with the price of food, &c.; but these are only complications in the concrete phenomena, which obscure and disguise the operation of the law of wages, and can be readily shown to be perfectly consistent with this law.