I have only to add, that having carefully examined the resolutions adopted in that Convention, as indicating the principles by which it was governed, I find them, in their general features, such as have heretofore had my hearty support. My opinions and votes against the extension of slavery into free territory, are of record and well known. Upon that record I am willing to stand. Certainly nothing has since occurred which would tend to modify my opinions previously expressed upon that subject. On the contrary, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise (that greatest wrong, portentous of mischief,) but adds strength to the conviction, that these constant encroachments must be calmly, but firmly, met;-—that this repealing Act should be itself repealed. or remedied by every just and constitutional means in our power.

I very much deprecate all sectional issues. I have not been in the past, nor shall I be in the future, instrumental in fostering such issues. But the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and, as a consequence, the extension of slavery, are no issues raised by us; they are issues forced upon us, and we act but in self-defence when we repel them. That section of the country which presents these issues is responsible for them; and it is this sectionalism which has subverted past compromises, and now seeks to force slavery into Kanzas. In reference to other subjects

treated of in the resolutions of the Convention, I find no general principle or rule of political conduct to which I cannot and do not yield a cordial assent. But while thus expressing a general concurrence in the views of the Convention, I cannot but remember that the Constitution gives to the Vice President little power in matters of general legislation; that he has not even a vote except in special cases; and that his rights and duties as prescribed in that instrument are limited to presiding over the Senate of the United States. Should I be elected to that high office, it will be my pleasure, as it will be my duty, to conduct, so far as I can, the business of that body in such a manner as will best comport with its own dignity; in strict accordance with its own rules, and with a just and courteous regard to the equal rights and privileges of all its members.

Accepting the nomination tendered through you, as I am, gentlemen,

I now do,

Very respectfully yours,

WM. L. DAYTON.

To Henry S. Lane, President of the Convention.

THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE.

The following admirable parallelism between WASHINGTON, the father of his country, and FREMONT, the finder and preserver of Republics, we copy from the New York Independent.

As our readers well know, we were not of the number of those who urged most strenuously the selection of Colonel Fremont by the Convention at Philadelphia, as the standard-bearer, in the great political campaign which is now upon us, of those principles of justice, humanity, and liberty to which our earnest adherence is given. While highly appreciating, and heartily admiring, the noble and signal qualities of this gentleman, we felt a desire that if possible some well-tried Captain in the ranks, which so long have stood unconquered for the Right, should be selected to lead them to the victory which is now, we trust and believe. before them. But since this selection has been made, we are led most clearly to recognize in it the good hand of God; and to feel, as we almost never have felt hitherto, that Providence has raised up, has endowed, and has trained this workman for his office, the Man for the Hour. If the election in November shall result, as we are well persuaded (32)

that it will, in placing him in the chair of the President of these United States, then we are compelled to say that in no one instance in all the history of our nation, since the freight of the Mayflower was landed at Plymouth, will the guiding and governing mind of God, interposing for our protection, have been more clearly shown than in raising him up to meet this crisis.

Young, unworn, entirely fresh in political life, there are upon him no marks of past controversies, there are about him no odors of past political errors, or partisan wrongs. Of an inventive, prompt, and discriminating mind, as all his history shows, and now in the full and perfect prime of every power, he is able to meet, if any man can, the whole demand of the present emergency. Of French extraction, on his father's side, he is yet thoroughly an American, by birth, by training, by his maternal ancestry, and by all his ideas of government and of religion. Born in Georgia, and educated at the institutions of South Carolina, his chosen home has still been at the West, and his ardor for freedom has never failed or wavered A child of poverty, and a man of the people, his career has been more signally heroic than that of any other living American; and he has won his steady way to opulence and honor, through the unaccustomed paths of self-denial and fortitude.

Delicate in frame, entirely modest and unassuming in deportment, he has inspired the love of the stalwart and fiery pioneers of the West, as almost no man before has done; and his name would now rally thousands on the borders to any

most difficult and hazardous enterprise. Of extraordinary executive and administrative powers, he combines with these equally the tastes of the scholar, the practised enterprise and skill of the soldier. His name is as well known in the Old World as in the New, And while the South has furnished his birthplace, and the wildernesses of the West the chosen scene of his chief exertions, California, the youngest and wealthiest of the States, owes to him her exploration and her subsequent conquest, and to him in great part her present freedom. The whole country, therefore, and every part of it, has an interest in his name. The young men of the country, especially, must rally to him as their natural leader, with ready enthusiasm. His very name seems a watchword for liberty; and already crowds make the echoes ring with the stirring refrain of Free-soil, Free-speech, Free-men, and FREMONT !

With him in the Presidential chair, the last threat of disunion will speedily and for ever be silenced at the South. The bravos who steal unsuspected into the Senate-chamber, and whose only reply to an argument is the bludgeon, will be as whist as a London pickpocket with the police-man beside him, before the intrepid and selfpoised will of him who has faced the mountainsnows while they were daintily dallying at home; of him whom Indians and Mexicans could not Scare though with tenfold his force now wielding the treasury and the army of the country. Nay, with him in that chair we have the firmest conviction that all sections will feel safe,