"You are the friend of Necker and of Montmorin; respect not unmingled, nor pure,* His brilliant career is an instructive lesson. The most mischievous statesman is he who has no talent for political affairs, a talent among the rarest of all. He who has power can seldom believe that he is incompetent to use it, and weakness and self-sufficiency combined make him truly dangerous: he invites a revolution, and retreats before it: that was Necker. But even the most exalted talents require the aid of character; it is not enough that men applaud and admire a popular chief: they must believe him to be an honest man. I like neither of them, and I think that they have no liking for me; but it is of little importance whether we like one another, if we can come to an understanding. I wish to know their intentions, and I address myself to you to obtain a conference with them. They would be very blameable and show very narrow views, the king himself would not be excusable, if they aimed at bringing this meeting of the States-General to the same result that the others have had. That cannot be. They must have a plan of adhesion or opposition to certain principles: if this plan is reasonable in the monarchical system, I engage to support it, to use all my efforts to prevent the invasion of democracy which is advancing upon us." He had the interview which he sought, and it came to no result, as already stated. From this time to the 5th of October, his conduct was factious, but he never lost sight of his real principles. From the 5th of October his course is different: he made some amends for his past faults. He had already seized on power though he had not place: he commanded, he extorted reluctant admiration: he now wins even some esteem and respect; but esteem and * J. Droz, Histoire de Louis XVI.,' vol. iii., ' Mirabeau et L'Assemblée Constituante,' 1842, has furnished materials for a judgment of Mirabeau. This writer is one of the most exact and impartial historians of the early part of the French Revolution. Dahlmann, 'Geschichte der Französischen Revolution,' has drawn a picture of the Mirabeau family (p. 168), and has traced the course of events from the times immediately preceding the Revolution to the commencement of the war and the establishment of the Republic. The views of two such writers merit the careful consideration of all those who direct the affairs of a nation. Compare Michelet, 'Hist.,' &c., ii., p. 436, &c.; Bertrand de Moleville, ‘Annals,' iii., c. 38. CHAPTER XX. THE revolutionary current was opposed by the moderate party in the Assembly, and Mirabeau himself in the last period of his life had attempted to stem it. But the clubs outside of the Assembly exercised an influence which was now irresistible; that of the Jacobins was one of the most violent, and contained the most talent. Its sittings were regularly attended like those of the Assembly: it anticipated the questions which were discussed there; its decisions were known, and had their effect. This was the club of the principal popular deputies. From the close of 1790 the multiplication of clubs is the striking characteristic of this epoch.* Duport, Barnave, and the Lameth, thought that France could only be saved by giving to the revolution a more rapid movement; and they attempted to effect this by means of the Jacobin club in which they ruled. Duport had conceived the idea that patriotic societies should be established in all the departments, which should correspond with the Jacobin club, and commucate everything that might concern the public interest. The Jacobin club would thus become a deliberative assembly, and a kind of governing body. There was no difficulty in executing this plan, for the deputies kept up an active correspondence with the departments; and in November and December, 1789, a great As to the clubs, see J. Droz, Mirabeau et l'Assemblée Constituante,' pp. 71, 102, 105, 200, 307, 328, 359; Michelet, Hist. de la Rév. Franç.,' ii., 309. number of persons from the provinces visited Paris, which had become the theatre of such important events; and among these persons many were found ready to co-operate in the scheme of Duport. In this way the clubs multiplied all through France. They were not originally composed of violent men only, for there were among the members many men of moderate views and honest intentions; but such men soon ceased to have the chief influence, and the direction of the clubs fell into the hands of others who excited popular passions. As in all such societies, there were also private committees, who formed schemes of their own, and kept up a correspondence without communicating it to the other members. Alexander Lameth formed a little association in Paris, which Lafayette has described in these terms: "It was what the Lameth themselves called the sabbat, that is to say, an association of ten men devoted to them, and who received every day the orders which each of them gave to ten men belonging to the different battalions of Paris, so that all the battalions and all the sections received at once the same signal for agitation, the same denunciations against the constituted authorities, the president of the department, the mayor, and the commandant-general." In November, 1790, Charles Lameth was provoked to a duel by the young duc de Castries, a member of the côté droit, and wounded. The Jacobins took his part, and by their agents urged the people to the sacking of the duke's hotel: there was no personal violence com mitted, nothing was stolen, but all the furniture was broken and pitched into the street, Lafayette came with the National Guard, but he did nothing, for many of the guard thought that there was no great harm in destroying the furniture of a man who had wounded Charles Lameth, Madame de Castries made a witty remark on the occasion; she said, "M. de la Fayette and M. le Maire honoured with their presence the pillage of my hotel." Camille Desmoulins said, " There has just been at the hôtel de Castries a sitting of the tribunal de Cassation" (the court for breaking). them. liberty, would not allow this club liberty to meet and discuss public affairs. So much disorder was occasioned by these proceedings that the inhabitants of the quarter where the club met, complained that they had not a moment's peace, and the tribunal of police finally closed the Salon Français (May 15.) In December, 1790, Clermont-Tonnerre and Malouet re-established the club of the Impartials under the name of the Club of the Friends of the Monarchical Constitution, which for brevity's sake was often called the Monarchical Club; an unlucky name, which faThe party at the head of which were Mounier and voured the designs of the Jacobins against it. The Lally-Tollendal, was disconcerted at being deserted by founders of this club hoped to form a counterpoise to the From the time that the Assembly held its sit-Jacobins by means of a club in the capital, and associate tings at Paris, they took the name of the Independents and the Impartials, They were confounded by the agitators with the côté droit, and they had indeed many opinions in common with the reasonable members of that part of the Assembly: they respected royalty, they had a horror of the violence of the revolution; but they were discouraged by the aspect of affairs. The leaders of the côté droit, seeing the success of the Jacobin club, resolved to form one of their own, the object of which was to re-establish order. Malouet, who belonged to the Impartials, was invited to meet them; and at last negociations were opened between the Impartials and the côté droit for a plan of association; but it resulted in nothing. On the negociation breaking off, Malouet and his friends published a declaration of their principles, and announced that all who would sign it should belong to their society. This declaration was not adopted by any influential member of the côté gauche; and it was rejected by all the more violent members of the côté droit. The Impartials met, but their club and their journal only existed a few weeks; and when afterwards revived, they were even more powerless than before, clubs in the principal towns of the kingdom, for the fête of the federation showed the disposition of a large part of the people in the provinces to be friendly to constitutional order: and this is probably what Marat meant, when he denounced the festival as a means of subjugating the people. The associate clubs of the Jacobins had not always found it easy to establish themselves in some of the towns, where petitions had been presented to the authorities not to allow such meetings, which were represented as dangerous to constitutional principles and public order. But the National Assembly by several decrees recognized the right of all citizens to assemble to discuss affairs of state, and it did not forbid the affiliation of clubs. The members of the revived club thought that they might do like other clubs, forgetting that during a revolution all cannot have equal liberty of action, which is only secured by the supremacy of law. The club was accordingly assailed by calumny, for people are not particular about making nice distinctions. among those whom they hate: in the streets people talked of Clermont-Tonnerre and the abbé Maury, as if these two men were of the same party; and so in certain circles of society they coupled Bailly and Danton together. The new club distributed tickets, by which the poor got bread. It may be quite true that if the Jacobins had done so, they would have been praised, while the Monarchical club was charged with. corrupting the people; but this distribution of bread. was an unworthy and unwise means of courting popular favour. The number of members of this club amounted to eight hundred in the month of January, 1791, and many of them men of good sense and high social distinction, which irritated the Jacobins still more. It happened that some soldiers had a skirmish with smugglers at one of the barriers, which was excellent matter for the Jacobins, who set abroad a report that the Monarchists had paid the soldiers to fire on the people, The most violent members of the côté droit formed The Jacobins said, in a circular to the associate clubs, a club under the name of the Salon Français, the that the existence of the Society of the Friends of the leading members of which were Maury, Cazalès, the Monarchical Constitution was a calamity, and that Viscount Mirabeau, d'Espréménil, and others of like they had resolved to meet daily till the danger was opinions. Their meetings were disturbed by the over. disturbed by the over. At the close of November, 1790, there were people, and some of the members were even assaulted. one hundred and twenty-one of these associate Jacobin Though the mayor and the National Guard attempted clubs; in the beginning of March, 1791, there were to protect them, the people who were so zealous for two hundred and twenty-nine; and the number went In the month of April, 1790, the club of 1789 was formed, with the object of checking the violence of the Jacobins, where Duport and the Lameth had full sway. The chief founders were Lafayette, Bailly, La Rochefoucauld, Talleyrand, Chapelier, Dupont de Nemours, and Sièyes, who drew up the rules and was the first president. The club met in a splendid apartment in the galleries of the Palais Royal, where they were furnished with excellent dinners at a high price. Mirabeau encouraged the establishment of the club of '89, and he went there sometimes, but without deserting the Jacobins he would sometimes visit both in the same evening. But Mirabeau was not the man for clubs, which are the theatres for little talents and low intrigues, on increasing. The two rival clubs of Paris became. Duport, the Lameth, and Barnave, swayed the violently embittered against one another. Barnave, Jacobins; but there was a little man of slender form, at the tribune of the Assembly, denounced an insidious, mean appearance, and sinister aspect, who was most perfidious, and factious association, and called upon assiduous in his attendance. He was struggling for the authorities to keep a strict watch over it. Malouet, power with a strong conviction of the rectitude of his in the midst of great tumult, replied to these calumnies, purpose: he had laboured to gain a hearing in the aud said that the Jacobins were the cause of the disor-Assembly, and so far with little success. He found ders, and that this despotic club ought to be closed. The out that the Jacobins was the place for him, but it was club of '89 was afraid to let the Jacobins leave it too some time before he ruled there. His own party disfar behind, and it published a declaration that admis- credited him by smiling when he spoke : everybody was sion into the Society of the Friends of the Monarchical ready to laugh at him, except Mirabeau, who treated Constitution should be considered as a renunciation his diminutive, feeble adversary with the respect due to of the club of '89. The heads of the Monarchical club sincerity and indomitable perseverance. Mirabeau's commenced legal proceedings against those who de- sagacity discovered the true character of this man, his nounced it, on which the Jacobins took measures more unbounded pride, his illimitable faith in himself, effectual than legal process. The proprietors of houses his steady purpose, his undeviating forward course. were afraid to let them to the Monarchists; and when "Robespierre will go far," he observed, "for he they found a place at last, where they intended to meet believes all that he says." He did believe in his own on the 28th of March, four thousand men assembled ideal of the Revolution, and faith gave him force and in front of the house, insulted some of the members will. of the club, and wounded others. There was a cry that these aristocrats wore the white cockade, and been notaries at Carvin, near Lille, and it may be white cockades were produced, which the leaders of the mob had brought with them; and thus the lie had the semblance of credibility given to it. Bailly came up when the disturbance was over: he did not find fault with the rioters, and he assured the crowd that measures should be taken to prevent a society from meeting again which disturbed the public tranquillity. In fact the club did not meet again: the vigour of the Jacobins, and Bailly's want of vigour, suppressed it. The family of Robespierre, from father to son, had traced as far back as 1600.* It is supposed that the family was of English or Irish origin, and may have sprung from some of the Roman Catholics who went over to the monasteries and religious schools of that part of France. In the eighteenth century a branch of the Robespierre family settled at Arras, and an advocate of Arras became the father of Maximilien Robespierre in 1758. His father appears to have fallen into some difficulties, and he left home and never returned. At the age of about ten years, Maximilien, the eldest child, was left to take care of a brother and two sisters. Circumstances thus contributed at this early age to fix in him that serious character which he On the last day of November, 1790, Mirabeau was elected president of the club of the Jacobins, of the men who had caused "the great treason of the Comte de Mirabeau" to be hawked through the streets. Mirabeau despised many of them, but he was greedy maintained through life. If there was ever a smile on of every means of strengthening his popularity, and he had at this time great designs in his mind. Mirabeau did not encourage the violence of the Jacobins. In the speech in which he returned thanks for the honour conferred upon him, he said: "All Frenchmen are now friends of liberty; it only remains to make them all enemies of licence." He often gave utterance to wise counsels in this dark cave of turbulence; and on one occasion he called Robespierre to order. Mirabeau visited the Jacobins the evening of that day in which he had imposed silence on the "thirty voices" in the National Assembly. He was ill received, and violently attacked; but he defended himself with temper and great tact, for it was one of the merits of this great orator, so impetuous in private, to be perfectly calm and collected amidst the storms of a popular assembly. He left the Jacobins with applause; but it was his last visit. He died shortly after. his face, it was not the smile of joyous content: it was a sarcastic grin; and when he spoke to a man, he could not look in his face. Robespierre was one of the best pupils at the college of Arras, and he easily obtained from the princely abbé of Saint-Waast a bursarship (bourse) at the college of Louis-le-Grand, in Paris. Within these gloomy walls this poor orphan received his education: and he laboured hard to merit the assistance that he had obtained. He had for his companions here Camille Desmoulins, also a bursar of the clergy, who was somewhat younger than himself, and Danton, who was about the same age as Robespierre, and attended the same classes. He passed seven or eight years here, and then studied the law at Paris; but though he had a logical head, he had little success as a procureur. He was too much given to generalities to be successful in the little strategy of a lawyer's practice. His studies were in Rousseau and Mably: he was a philosopher There was another active club at Paris, the Corde-after the manner of the times. He made rhymes also, liers, who met in the convent of the Cordeliers, which and wrote for the prize given for an éloge on Gresset : was at the bottom of a court nearly opposite to the he did not get the prize, though he had the honours of School of Medicine. The Cordeliers were essentially a Paris club, and at this time of a much more popular character than the Jacobins. * Michelet, Hist. de la Rév. Française,' ii., 314; Lamartine, 'Histoire des Girondins,' Liv. i., 17. |