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himself, it was done solely to prevent any stronger measure, and to frustrate the plans of the more violent deputies. He moved that the deputies should take an oath never to separate till they had made a constitution. The motion was supported by Target, Chapelier, and Barnave; and it was carried. Bailly claimed to be the first to take the oath, with the two secretaries. The oath was this: "We swear never to separate from the National Assembly, and to meet whenever circumstances shall require it, until the constitution of the kingdom is established and seated on a solid foundation." Bailly pronounced the oath in a loud, distinct voice that was heard even beyond the walls of the Tennis Court. The whole body of deputies pronounced the same oath, standing, with their hands stretched out towards their president. There were cries of "Long live the Assembly! Long live the King!" The king was not yet unpopular, at least with the deputies.

The different bailliages, senéchaussées, provinces, and towns were called in alphabetical order, and each deputy, as he answered to his name, approached to sign the declaration. A single deputy, Martin D'Auch, added to his signature "in opposition" (opposant): an obscure name is worth recording, when a single man is bold enough to dissent from five hundred and

ninety-nine. There was a general shout of indignation. Bailly got on the table, to be better heard: he claimed for the non-assenting deputy permission to explain his reasons. His objection was, that "he could not swear to the execution of any resolutions which were not sanctioned by the king." Bailly argued with him, but in vain; and the Assembly decided that his signature should remain, as a proof of the freedom of opinion.

The Assembly adjourned to Monday, the 22nd, and resolved, that if the royal sitting took place in the hall of the National Assembly, all the members would stay there after the sitting was over, to continue their deliberations and their usual business.*

*Hist. Parlem.,' vol. ii., where the proceedings at the Jeu de Paume are stated very clearly. The preface to the second volume shows the value of this work. The 'Moniteur,' which is supposed to be so complete, is often very defective. The 'Histoire Parlementaire' is sometimes deficient in precision, and also sometimes incomplete, for some of the revolutionary follow the events of the Revolution without paying the documents are exceedingly scarce. Still, it is impossible to strictest attention to the 'Histoire Parlementaire.' The French writers often express themselves in such vague and exaggerated terms, that the plain facts are obscured in a mass of words.

CHAPTER III.

THE ROYAL SITTING OF THE TWENTY-THIRD OF JUNE.

Ar eight in the morning of the 22nd of June pro- | Duroveray, a Genevese exile, who was a friend of Miraclamation was made that the royal sitting was adjourned to the following day. It was not in order to allow time for the hall to be prepared, for that could have been done in a few hours. It was a sign that the court was undecided.

The National Assembly could not meet at the Jeu de Paume on the 22nd: the princes had given notice that they intended to play there. The Assembly met in the church of St. Louis, where they were informed that the majority of the order of the clergy had determined to join them, for the common verification of their powers, and that they asked for their place in the National Hall. The clergy were told that their place of precedence was ready for them; and they were received with universal acclamations. The Archbishop of Vienne placed on the bureau a printed list of those members of the clergy who had voted for the verification in common. Two of the deputies of the nobility of Dauphiné also joined the Assembly.

Necker had at last seen that it was necessary for the king to interfere, if his authority was to be maintained. He proposed a measure which he thought a bold one; It was the suggestion of

but it was not his own.*

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beau, but he did not communicate it to Mirabeau, because of his impetuous character, and because he had not the confidence of any party; for it is important to know that Mirabeau never formed a party. The suggested measure was a royal sitting, in which Necker proposed that the king should annul the vote of the commons, by which they had declared themselves a national assembly, but at the same time should command the nobility and clergy to join the Third Estate, for the verification of their powers in common; he should declare that the king would permit the three orders to He admits that there was no direct communication between Necker and Duroveray. Duroveray had been procureurgénéral (attorney-general) of Geneva, but, in the combat of the superiority, and he retired to England, where he had a parties, he had resigned when the aristocratical faction got pension from the English government. This was made a matter of charge against him one day at the meeting of the Tiers Etat, at which he was present, by a deputy, who accused him of meddling with their affairs. Mirabeau gallantly defended his friend before the Assembly. He said that his pension from the English government was a kind of civic crown decreed by that modern people, whom the tutelary genius of mankind appeared to have specially set over the worship of Liberty! This was rather extravagant talk, but it succeeded with the Assembly. Romilly, Memoirs,' &c., vol. i. has drawn a character of Duroveray.

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deliberate together on general affairs; he should pro- The king again spoke a few words, after which a mise the abolition of all pecuniary privileges, and the paper was read, containing the "intentions of the king." admission of all Frenchmen to civil and military offices. Some of the intentions were positive and good, and It was a measure rather calculated to save appearances; would have been well received, if they had been anbut it was a different thing from what was finally de-nounced at the opening of the States-General. Others cided upon. Necker's plan was discussed at Marly, were conditional: the king intended to sanction the where the king then was. At first, it was approved by renunciation of their pecuniary privileges by the clergy the council, but, during the discussion, the king re- and nobility, when they should have formally conceived a note, and the meeting was adjourned. The sented to it. Some of the intentions were bad they note was probably from the queen. The next day the were nothing less than to preserve many abuses, which king's two brothers were at the council, and Necker's the Tiers Etat were instructed to get rid of. The king plan was modified. After making some concessions declared, in the most express manner, that he would he saw that he must yield, and he returned to Ver- preserve in its integrity, and without the slightest alterasailles, where he received information that his plan was tion, the constitution of the army, and all authority, entirely altered it was now the plan of the court. police, and power over the military, just as the French kings had always enjoyed them.

On the 23rd, the streets leading to the National Hall were filled with people from Versailles and Paris. Large detachments of the French and Swiss guards were under arms, with other soldiers, to the number of four thousand. There were, also, in the neighbourhood of Versailles six regiments ready to march. The deputies of the commons, according to the etiquette, were to enter the hall by a side door, different from that which was reserved for the nobility and clergy; and they were to wait till the two orders had taken their places. In the meantime, they were driven by a heavy rain to take shelter under a wooden shed. Bailly, the president, knocked at the door, but it was not opened: he knocked again, and was told that it was not time yet. Bailly threatened the master of the ceremonies that he would go away with all the members of the commons: at last the door was opened, and the commons found the clergy and nobility seated in their places, as if they had intended to make sure of them. The king came next, surrounded by the princes of the blood, his ministers, except Necker, some dukes and peers, and part of his body guard. He was received with the most profound silence. After he had addressed a few words to the Assembly, one of the secretaries of state read his declaration.* It declared that the distinction of the three orders should be maintained in its integrity, as essentially connected with the constitution of the kingdom; but they might meet to deliberate together with the consent of the king; it annulled the resolutions of the Tiers Etat made on the 17th; it declared that the king would not allow the instructions given to the deputies by their constituents to be considered imperative; the Three Orders were to meet, during the present session of the States-General, only to discuss matters of general utility; it declared, as excepted from the matters which could be discussed in common, those which regarded the ancient constitutional laws of the three orders, the kind of constitution to be determined for the next States-General, feudal and seignorial property, the useful rights and the honourable privileges of the two orders; it declared that the king forbad any person, except the members, to be present at the meetings of the States-General, whether they were deliberating together or separately. *Hist. Parlem.' ii., 15.

The king closed the sitting with a third short speech: he declared that if the Assembly abandoned him in his endeavours to secure the public good, he would accomplish it himself, he would consider himself their sole representative; knowing their instructions, he said, and knowing the perfect agreement between the general wish of the nation, and his own benevolent intentions, he should be encouraged to proceed to the accomplishment of his objects with courage and firmness. This tone and language greatly irritated men's minds, not so much against the king, who was merely an instrument, as against the party among the nobles who had put the words into his mouth.

The king concluded by commanding the Assembly to separate immediately, and to meet the following day in their respective chambers, which the grand master of the ceremonies would have ready for them. He went away followed by nearly all the bishops, some curés, and a large part of the nobility. The rest of the deputies remained in their places, looking at another in silence, not knowing what to do. If not alarmed, they were stupified by what they had heard.

Mirabeau rose. "What they had just heard," he said, "might be the safety of the country, if the presents of despotism were not always dangerous. But what was meant by this insulting dictation? The display of arms, the violation of the national temple, to command us to be happy! And from whom comes the command? who gives you imperious orders? He who should receive them from you." "Their oath," he said, "did not allow them to separate before they had made the constitution." At this moment Brézé entered, and uttered a few words in a low and timid tone. "Speak louder," was the general cry; and the grand master of the ceremonies then said, Gentlemen, you have heard the king's orders." Bailly said to those who were nearest to him: "I think that the assembled nation cannot receive any order." Mirabeau relieved the president by usurping his functions. "Yes, sir," said Mirabeau to Brézé, "we have heard the intentions which have been suggested to the king; and you, who cannot be his organ with the States-General, who have neither place here nor right to speak, it is not your

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business to remind us of what he has said. But to prevent all doubt and delay, I declare that if you are commissioned to make us leave this place, you must ask for orders to use force; for we will only quit our places by the power of the bayonet."* The Assembly applauded with one voice. "The Assembly," said Bailly to Brézé, "determined yesterday that it would remain sitting after the royal sitting was over. I cannot let the assembly separate till it has deliberated on the matter itself, and deliberated freely." "May I," said the grand master, "carry this answer to the king?" "Yes," said the president; and the Grand Master withdrew, walking backwards, as if he were in the presence of the king.†

A ridiculous attempt was made to interrupt the proceedings of the Assembly. Some workmen were. sent in to take away the platform, which was a kind of amphitheatre constructed for the king and his train; and they actually began their work. But the calm aspect of the Assembly and their own curiosity soon made them stop; they began with listening, and they ended by applauding.

The deputies who spoke, boldly maintained the position of the National Assembly. "It concerns your dignity," said Barnave, "to persist in the title of the National Assembly.” Glezen, a deputy of Rennes, said, "Absolute power is in the mouth of the best of kings, in the mouth of a sovereign who acknowledges that the people ought to make their own laws; it is a sovereign who speaks like a master, when he ought to consult you. Our courage shall be equal to the circumstances. We must die for our country." "You are," said Sièyes, at the conclusion of a short address, "you are to day what you were yesterday." The Assembly unanimously declared that they persisted in their former resolutions. Mirabeau proposed that they should declare the persons of the deputies inviolable. "This," he said, "is not a manifestation of fear, it is only prudence; it is a check on the violent counsels which surround the throne." The motion was carried by 493 to 34, and the Assembly separated after drawing it up in the terms of a formal resolution. There may have been no immediate danger to the deputies, but the hall was still surrounded by soldiers, and they were even at the doors.

The nobility, on returning from the royal sitting, went to thank the Comte d'Artois for saving them and the nation. Monsieur, the Count de Provence, would

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have had their thanks also, if they could have found him; but he was prudent enough to be out of the way. They also visited the queen, who received them most graciously, and with smiles. She presented her young son to them, and said, "I confide him to the nobility. The king had too much sagacity to join in the rejoicings. The silence of the people and of the deputies had told him the truth; and he returned to the palace dejected. When Brézé came to tell him that the deputies of the Tiers Etat were still sitting, and asked for his orders, the king walked about for some minutes, and then said, in the tone of a man who was wearied and tired out, "Well, then, leave them alone." *

Necker was not at the royal sitting, and he had given mortal offence to the queen by his absence.† He was the only minister who was not there. He could hardly be expected to sanction, by his presence, a measure of which he disapproved. His daughter says, that he determined not to take a part in the sitting, because of the alterations that had been made in his plan; and that when the court expressed a wish that he should go, he answered by sending in his resignation. The rumour of Necker's resignation spread among the people who were waiting around the hall of the National Assembly until it broke up. They rushed towards the palace, and filled the courts and the gardens with cries for Necker, who had actually resigned. The queen was alarmed: she was yet a stranger to violence and insurrection. On the very evening of this unfortunate royal sitting, the king and queen sent for Necker, and both begged him to resume his place. The queen said that the king's personal safety depended on his remaining minister; for herself, she solemnly promised to follow only his advice. The crowd saw Necker enter the palace, and they saw him come out. He told the people he would stay; and they carried him in triumph to his house, amidst shouts of joy. Bonfires were lighted in the evening, and men with torches in their hands were running about the streets. Some of the nobility were insulted; and the Archbishop of Paris, who was accused of being implicated in the bringing about the resignation of Necker, was attacked in his carriage, and compelled to take refuge in the church of St. Louis.

Mirabeau was informed by Clavière, who could not keep a secret, of the real origin of the royal sitting. "Duroveray," he said to Dumont, in a fit of passion, "did not think it worth while to consult me. I know well that he considers me a fool who has lucid intervals." He said he could have told them what would come of it. Waxing still warmer on the danger of this sitting, he at last said in plain words: "This is the

way that kings are brought to the scaffold."

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