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Collard as president, though his name was only third number of seven or eight hundred; every candidate

on the list. The address of the Chamber of Deputies
(9th of March) contained the expression, "The com-
plaints of France only accuse the deplorable system
which too often rendered your intended favours illu-
sory."
This was an attack on the late ministry, and
offensive to the king, who at first put himself in a
great passion about it; but reflection got the better
of passion, and his answer to the address was in
moderate and conciliatory terms. After this con-
demnation of Villèle, it was impossible that Frays-
sinous and Chabrol, who had been in his cabinet, could
continue in the new one; and they resigned. Hyde
de Neuville was made minister of marine; and the
bishop of Beauvais, a prudent and tolerant man, took
the direction of ecclesiastical affairs. Early in the
session, De Pradt resigned his seat in the chamber, on
the ground of his bad health.

was questioned about his opinions and his former conduct, and made his political confession of faith. The journals of the royalist opposition denounced these meetings as revolutionary clubs, though the meetings were not attended with any disorder. The king was alarmed at the men who were sent to the chamber, and he said to Martignac, "You see where we are going to with our laws." Martignac could only answer, that they must attempt "to advance to a grand system of fusion, oblivion, and liberty; and that on this ground all opinions would come over to royalty."*

The treaty of the 6th of July, and the intervention of France in the affairs of Greece, brought, as usual in such cases, some new expenses, Ibrahim Pacha was in the Morea, with a considerable force, and it was agreed among the parties to the treaty that the French One of the first measures of the ministry was a law should have the honour of driving him out. The on the electoral lists, the object of which was to pre- necessary preparations were made by the French minivent the abuses charged on the late ministry during stry with wonderful rapidity. The expedition left the last elections, and to take away, in future, all France on the 17th of August, and landed at Coron reasonable ground of complaint on a matter which is on the 29th of the same month. A convention was of vital importance in a constitutional system,-the soon concluded with Ibrahim, by which he agreed to determination of the names of those who are entitled evacuate the Morea on the 9th of September. A law to vote. The proposed law was well received by the of the 19th of June had provided for the extraordinary majority, as a pledge of the constitutional sincerity of expenses of this year by an inscription in the Grand the ministers. It was carried by a majority of 152, Livre of the public debt of four millions of rentes, at after thirteen days' discussion. In presenting the law five per cent. The new ministry had to deal with the to the Chamber of Peers, Martignac spoke like a man delicate question of the press, the liberty of which had of integrity. "The proposition," he said, "tends to been warmly defended in the past session by a minority, secure the regularity of the lists, to prevent mistakes, which was now in a different position. They proposed to guarantee real rights, to reject ill-founded claims; a law, which was carried in the Chamber of Deputies, it tends to free the administration from suspicions after twenty days' debate, by 266 to 116, and in the which degrade it, from those violent attacks which Chamber of Peers, by 139 to 71.† Every Frenchman exhaust and damage it." After some opposition, the was allowed to publish a journal or other periodical law was carried by a majority of 83 votes out of 159; publication, without any previous authorization, prowhich showed a minority very little larger than the vided he conformed to the dispositions of the law. The number of the last batch of peers. The king was proprietor or proprietors of any journal or periodical struck with this, and spoke of it to his ministers, who work were required, before publication, to give secupointed out to him the necessary consequence of fifty rity, the amount of which varied according to circumor sixty peers being devoted to Villèle. "I know it," stances, which were determined by the law. Certain said the king, "but they have given excellent reasons." | journals or periodical works were exempted from this There were partial elections in the month of April, | liability,—such, for instance, as appeared only once for the purpose of supplying the places of members a month, or not so often, and those devoted only to deceased, those who had resigned, and those who had been elected for more than one place. Six of the arrondissements of Paris had new members to choose. Out of 51 new members in all who were returned, 40 belonged to the côté gauche, or centre gauche, and only eleven to the centre droit. The ministry had Capefigue puts these words in the mouth of Martignac. scarcely taken any part in the elections, which had been managed solely by the electoral committees. The court was alarmed at the mode of proceeding in the Paris elections. Meetings were held to discuss the qualifications of the different candidates; in one of the arrondissements of Paris, the electors met to the * Annuaire Hist., &c., pour 1828,' App.

6

† Annuaire Hist., &c., pour 1828,' p. 84, 'Listes Electorales.'

science and so forth. "This law," said Châteaubriand, "notwithstanding its great imperfections, is an immense improvement." The law imposed severe conditions on the publication of a journal, and it excited great opposition, both in the chambers and on the part of

It is not said whether the king was comforted by this foggy and nebulose consolation. The text is a translation of the original, for the English and French idioms here agree; and each word is faithfully rendered. But the whole is a French combination, or mode of expression, which their writers of of a straining after effect, and perhaps, to some extent, of the present day often fall into, the consequence, apparently,

vagueness of conception.

+ Annuaire Historique, &c., pour 1828,' p. 7. 'Loi sur les journaux et écrits périodiques.'

The passing of the new law was followed by the publication of a great number of periodical publications: every department had its opposition journal and its correspondence with Paris. The liberal party organized itself in the departments, through the medium of the press, and Paris was the common centre. Since the adhesion of Châteaubriand, the government had the 'Journal des Débats' on its side; and M. Martignac had established a journal, 'Le Messager,' as the organ of his own opinions. But the king did not like the 'Messager' he read the Gazette de France,' the expression of Villèle's opinions, and quoted it at the meetings of the council against his ministers. The liberal party had only two great organs, the 'Courier,' and the 'Constitutionnel.' Martignac had called into life a host of journals by his new law, and they turned against the man to whom they owed their existence. They did not consider that, in a constitutional monarchy, a minister must do what he can, and cannot do everything that he would.

the press. Yet on the whole it was well received by | colleges: the only question was the legality of the all people of moderate opinions, and considered as a existence of the Jesuits, and the ministers adopted the pledge of the constitutional faith of the ministry. The opinion of the minority of the commission, who were new law did not allow the jury in cases of offences against the Jesuits. M. Martignac had a difficult task committed by the press, and the journals had not said to overcome the king's repugnance to a measure conmuch in favour of the jury. The minister renounced trary to his own inclinations, and the report of the all proceedings founded "on the tendency" of a. commission. The matter was debated in four meetings journal; and the cours royales had gained public of the council; and it was not until a fifth meeting, favour by their judgments, so that they were not much that the king consented to sign the ordonnances. The to be dreaded in mere political questions. But the dauphin was in favour of them, and supported the courts soon showed their severity in some instances. ministry. The king consulted his confessor and all M. Cauchois-Lemaire had addressed a letter to the the pious persons about the court. He signed with duc d'Orleans, which seemed like an invitation to him great reluctance: he said that nothing ever pained to be ready to step upon the throne. The duke dis- him so much. The ordonnance of the 16th of June avowed the letter, and the author was condemned to declared that among the establishments known under an imprisonment of fifteen months, and the payment the name of secondary ecclesiastical schools, there were of a fine of 2000 francs. The poet Béranger was pro-eight which were under the direction of persons who secuted for his songs, and condemned to nine months' belonged to a religious congregation not legally estaimprisonment, and a fine of 10,000 francs. blished in France. The name of the Jesuits was not mentioned. The ordonnance declared that, from the 1st of October, 1828, these eight establishments, which were named, should be subject to the University régime; and from the same 1st of October, no person could have either the direction of any place of education, which was under the control of the University, or of any secondary ecclesiastical school, or be a teacher in such places, unless he first affirmed, in writing, that he did not belong to any religious congregation not legally established in France. Another ordonnance prepared by the bishop of Beauvais, on the smaller seminaries (petits séminaires), limited the number of pupils in the secondary ecclesiastical schools; and the number was in no case to exceed twenty thousand. The superiors of these schools were to be named by the archbishops or bishops, and to be approved by the king. All the secondary ecclesiastical schools which should not conform to the terms of the ordonnance, were to be under the régime of the University. The clergy were thrown into a state of almost open rebellion by these two ordonnances: they were denounced as "religious persecution," which was to be opposed by "legitimate resistance." And even some moderate writers did not scruple to say that these ordonnances were concessions made by the ministry to the spirit of the Revolution. The ministry was fortified by a papal brief; for, as it has been often observed, the Holy See can always be dealt with, when its authority is appealed to in matters affecting episcopal jurisdiction, which the See is always willing to keep within limits. A confidential agent was sent to Rome by Portalis, to take the opinion of the Holy Father on the ordonnances, and to remove any unfavourable impression that he might have. The success of the mission was complete : a pontifical brief was obtained to the effect, "that his Holiness did not see in the ordonnances any violation of episcopal rights, and that he had no design to impose on the French government the congregations which its legislation did not acknowledge." The Jesuits refused to submit to the general régime of the University, and they left the kingdom. The ordonnances of June

In the interval between the adoption of the law on the periodical press by the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Peers, appeared the ordonnance of the 16th of June, relative to the secondary ecclesiastical schools. The commission which had been appointed to examine into the state of these schools, and to report on them, was not unanimous. A majority were of opinion, with respect to the legality of eight establishments, which were under the direction of Jesuits or priests living within the walls, according to the rule of St. Ignatius, that the bishops, by virtue of the ordonnance of the 5th of October, 1814, could entrust these schools to any individuals who were subjected to their authority. This report was contrary to the opinions of a majority in the Chamber of Deputies, and the ministers were reproached with following in the track of their predecessors. The report established the fact of the Jesuits being in the possession of several * It was for a new volume-the third-he was condemned, and on the ground of offence against the religion of the state and the person of the king,

completed the rupture between the religious party and the ministry; but they brought the ministry nearer to the centre gauche.

The

tionaries. It concluded with a prophetic anticipation of the danger to the crown, if other counsels than those of the ministry should prevail, M. de la Féronnays, The budget for 1829 was presented in a new form: the minister for foreign affairs, was ill, and was obliged the head of expenses and that of receipts were each to ask for leave to retire for a time. His final retirethe subject of a separate law; and the expenditure ment seemed certain, and the king still cherished the was placed under its several distinct branches. idea of making his favourite, the prince de Polignac, minister of finance showed that there had been a pro- then French ambassador at London, minister for foreign gressive increase of the deficit from 1814 to 1828; affairs. There were already intrigues with this view that after the payment of all the expenses of 1828, it going on at the Tuileries. The ministers could think would amount to 200 millions; and this was the con- of no better expedient for the present than to induce dition in which they had to come to the budget of the king to make a journey into the departments 1829. When this matter was discussed, it appeared formed out of the former province of Alsace. The that the party of Villèle and Labourdonnaye were king, who was accompanied by the dauphin and the reconciled. The declaration of such a deficit was an minister of the interior, returned from his tour, exattack on the previous administration; and Labour-tremely delighted with his reception. The minister donnaye maintained that the real deficit was not much above 21 millions. The debates on this matter, though expressive of various shades of opinion, showed a very general desire to make retrenchments and to establish an equality between the receipts and the expenditure. But it appeared, upon consideration, that all the savings which could be made were trifling compared with the whole expenditure. Such is the condition of the nations of Europe: loaded with a heavy debt, the interest of which must be paid, or a worse evil must be endured; with an enormous military or naval force, or both; with an ever-increasing number of persons employed by the state and paid out of the taxes, to many of whom a reduction of salary or deprivation of place is the same as a sentence of death-an efficient reduction of expenditure is an undertaking which every existing administration shrinks from aghast, and leaves its successors at some time to deal with a difficulty which by delay becomes greater. The session closed on the 18th of August, the longest since the Restoration, and one of the most remarkable, both for the talent displayed in the Chambers, for the importance of the matters discussed, and for the results.* The 'Gazette de France,' the favourite journal of the Tuileries, in recapitulating the events of the session, said, "If the ministry persist in the same way, there remains little to do in the next session, in order to consummate the re-establishment of the Republic and the erection of altars to the Goddess of Reason; unless the faction prefers to substitute immediately usurpation for legitimacy, and the reformed religion for the religion of the state."

The leaders of the right had secret interviews with the king; the extreme right and the party of Villèle were drawing together, and the king had received Mémoires from MM. Ravez and Chantelauze. The ministers also presented the king with a Mémoire, the purpose of which was to explain what had been done in the past session, and what remained to be done, particularly with regard to the persons employed in the administration: indeed, the main object of the Mémoire was to induce the king to remove a great many func* Annuaire Historique, &c., pour 1828,' p. 287; and the laws and ordonnances of the session, 'Appendice,' p. 1, &c.

thought this a favourable opportunity for renewing his attack and removing many obnoxious persons: "You wish, then," said the king, "to dismiss all my friends?" "It is not the object to dismiss all your friends," replied the minister, "but those of your friends who are in opposition to your system: otherwise the Chamber will overthrow us." The king did not seem to be aware of the important truth, that the worst enemies a man has always come from among his friends; friends being merely a name for those who happen to have closer relations of intimacy or interest with a man than others. The changes which the minister urged were made chiefly in the préfectures of the departments; and important places, as they became vacant, were filled with persons whose merits were recognized by the liberal party. Two ordonnances (5th and 12th November) remodelled the conseil d'état: the second distributed the members of the service ordinaire among four committees. The conseil could not discuss any matter unless one-half of the members, and one more, of those who had a deliberative voice, were present at the sitting. Every proposed law or ordonnance relating to the public was deliberated in a general meeting; and in that case only the ordonnances were to have as preamble the following words: "After hearing our Council of State." About fifty deputies were elected in the course of this year, in the place of deputies who resigned, died, or whose places became vacant in some other way; and of this number the liberal party had at least forty. In general, the ministry had very little influence on these elections. Two important commissions had been appointed (12th of August and 5th of October): one to examine into the state of the roads and canals in France; and the other to make any proposals which should seem advantageous as to changes in the commercial régime. The first commission reported that it would be necessary to expend considerable sums beyond those allowed by the budget, in order to bring the roads to a desirable state of completion or even of repair, and to complete the canals which were already commenced. The second commission, which was mainly formed of members of the * It seems to have been hearty and sincere. 'Annuaire Historique, &c., pour 1828,' p. 297.

Chamber of Deputies, inquired chiefly into the distress | of the centre gauche, seeing that the minister was comexisting in the wine-producing countries, which called pelled to look to them for support, thought of turning for a diminution in the Custom-house duties; into the their power to their own profit, and forming a ministry flourishing condition of the iron manufactory, which out of their own body. A committee was appointed in was improving at the cost of the nation, in consequence the Chamber of Deputies to examine each law. Sebasof the restrictions on the importation of foreign iron; tiani, who had to report on the departmental law, on and into the cotton manufactory, which also called for behalf of one of the committees, proposed several the same protection. Every important town appointed important changes. The adoption of an amendment its agents to inform this commission of its wishes and for the suppression of the conseils d'arrondissement, was its wants. It was a great contention of opposite in- followed by the minister withdrawing both his measures terests; but there appeared in the commission a dispo- with the full consent of the king, who so far imposed sition to admit the greatest possible extension of the on Martignac as to make him believe that he was his freedom of commerce, with due regard to those branches friend, when the king had no other design than to get of industry which had developed themselves under rid of him. Féronnays was now finally resolved to the protection of the laws which were already in force. retire, on account of his health, and the choice of a Charles continued a practice of Louis XVIII., of successor was a difficult question. The king induced writing directly, under the cover of the ministry, to Portalis to take the place, and M. Bourdeau, an insigsuch foreign ambassadors as were in his confidence; nificant person, was appointed his successor. and he kept up a correspondence with the prince de budget was the only matter now to be settled, and Polignac at London. The health of Féronnays was when that was done, the king was ready to get rid of still very bad, and Portalis, by the king's command, his ministry, whom he had cajoled and deceived. The wrote to Polignac to come from London. The prince | budget was carried by a majority of 131 votes. Acannounced to the English ministry that he was going cording to M. Roy's speech, there would be an excess to Paris to take the department of foreign affairs. On of above one million in the receipts, though the conhis arrival at Paris, however, he found that the ministry dition of the working clergy had been improved, objected to receive him among them, for the press had primary instruction encouraged, and the endowment declared itself most violently against him. He could of the peerage fixed by a law.* not go back to London after what he had said; and the king, even, did not go so far as to make a direct proposal that Polignac should have the department of foreign affairs. The ministers were resolved to resign rather than consent to the prince's appointment. Portalis had the interim portfolio for foreign affairs.

The

The king having got his budget settled, was ready to accomplish his design. Polignac had left Paris, on the occasion of the strong manifestation of opinion; but he returned on the 27th of July, in consequence of a letter from the king, who had never abandoned his plan of making Polignac his minister. The object of The Chambers met on the 27th of January, 1829. | Charles A. probably was not a coup d'état : he The king's speech was of a liberal complexion: it thought, apparently, that the prince could unite the said, "Experience has dissipated mad theories: France right and the right centre, and secure a majority in knows, as well as you, on what basis her happiness the chamber. While Martignac and Hyde de Neuville reposes; and those who would seek for it elsewhere were still flattering themselves with the supposed posthan in the sincere union of the royal authority and session of the king's confidence, the king was forming of the liberties consecrated by the Charter, would be a new ministry; and on the 6th of August he informed disavowed by her, to their shame." Royer-Collard was Portalis that he had constructed a cabinet. Polignac appointed president of the Chamber of Deputies. In did not form the whole cabinet: it was nearly comthe debates on the address Laffitte said, "The position pleted when he was invited to be a member of it. of France is better than ever it was; I see in it nothing The Moniteur,' of the 9th of August, 1829, contained but satisfaction and hope." The right withdrew, in the names of the new ministry. Polignac had the order not to join in the vote on the address; and the department of foreign affairs; Courvoisier was minister ministry of Martignac found itself supported by the of justice; Bourmont was minister of war ;† Rigny had gauche and the centre gauche. Martignac presented the marine; Labourdonnaye was minister of the intehis two great measures for the session,-the law for the rior; Montbel had ecclesiastical affairs and public organization of the communes, and that for the depart- | instruction; there was no separate ministry for eccleThe measures were large and liberal. The siastical affairs, but Fraysinnous had the nomination minister explained the objects of the measures in a to vacant places; and Chabrol, minister of marine in clear and able manner, and the Chambers received the 1827, had finance. The retiring ministers received propositions in the most flattering way. But intrigue honorary tokens of the royal approbation; and five was working to undermine the ministry. The king of them, among whom was Martignac, the more solid had required the two measures to be presented at the recompense of a pension of 12,000 francs. same time, in order that his ministers might be embarrassed he would not allow his ministers to consent to any essential change in the measures; and the right were instructed to take no part in the debates. Some

ments.

:

dotation de l'ancien Sénat,' 28th May: 'Annuaire Historique, * Loi relative aux pensions affectées à la pairie sur la &c., pour 1829,' Appendice, p. 3.

Rigny refused, and d'Haussez had the place.

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CHAPTER XCVIII.

POLIGNAC.

The

THE formation of the new ministry was received with an almost universal concert of reprobation. The very names of some of the men were enough to discredit the cabinet in public estimation. Polignac had no talent, and was a devoted adherent of royalty. Labourdonnaye was already well known: he had gained a reputation by his violent opposition to Villèle, but he had no real ability. Bourmont had talent and military skill; but he had been a royalist in Vendée, and had passed over to the enemy before the battle of Waterloo. new ministry did not remove any important functionaries; but several counsellors of state took flight, on the accession to power of these ominous names. The journals attacked the Polignac cabinet with sarcasm and insult. A new journal appeared at this crisis, under a name, afterwards well known, the National,' under the direction of M. Thiers. The ministry had on their side the Quotidienne' and the Gazette de France,' and pamphlets and episcopal letters came to their aid. The press and the electoral committees, which were well organized, agreed in one common purpose, which was, not the overthrow of the Bourbons, but the triumph of the principles maintained by the centre and centre gauche. Their first manifestation was an association for the refusal to pay taxes,—a mode of resistance first announced by the Journal de Commerce' (11th of September), as a declaration of the departments of Bretagne. The example being set, these associations for the refusal of the payment of taxes rapidly spread over France. The association of Paris had at its head the deputies for the Seine and the great proprietors. Lafayette was making a tour of the departments of the Isère and the Rhone; and the living image of the Revolution was received with enthusiasm by thousands of people, at Grenoble, Lyon, and other places. It was no conspiracy, no secret design, that was forming against the Bourbons: it was a manifestation of a people prepared to resist an expected attack on their liberty. The ministry saw and heard the gathering storm, but they were in a state of happy self-confidence, busy with little details of administration. The cabinet for the first few months did nothing. They were not well agreed, and it was discovered that Labourdonnaye was incapable. Polignac claimed to be president of the council, and when he was appointed, Labourdonnaye made this a pretext for resigning (17th of November) a place in which he felt his nullity. The king made him a peer, and Montbel took his place.

* Bourmont commanded the third division of the fourth corps of Napoleon's army, in the campaign which was terminated by the battle of Waterloo. He deserted the emperor on the 14th, and, as the French writers say, gave important information to Blücher.

The ministry of public instruction was given to Guernon-Ranville, the son of an emigrant, a fluent advocate, and an exalted royalist. Immediately on his entry upon office, he encouraged primary instruction in all the communes. Chabrol was employed in drawing up a complete report on the financial state of the kingdom. There was nothing yet in the acts of the ministry which showed any ill designs. Many improvements were effected in administration; and the diplomatic appointments were made rather in a liberal spirit. Yet opinion was anxious, and the ministry were unpopular: there was an instinctive feeling, that as the king had now a cabinet exactly to his own mind, a great crisis was at hand. The time for the meeting of the Chambers had been deferred as long as possible; and the 2nd of March, 1830, was the time fixed. The Chamber of Deputies was pretty nearly in the same proportion as to parties, and of the same opinions as in the preceding session. There were, however, a few new names, and among them M. Guizot, who was elected by the college of Lisieux, and now made his first appearance in the Chamber of Deputies.

All the members of the cabinet had not complete confidence in the good fortune of Polignac; and some of them foresaw that, as they would not have a majority in the Chamber, they could not maintain their power by constitutional means. The cabinet, in fact, was disposed to moderation; but the king was governed by a coterie which urged him to violent measures, and his own temper inclined him that way. He had a most extravagant notion of kingly dignity and royal power, a blind infatuation, pitiable and contemptible. The king's speech was prepared in the usual way; but the last expression in it was not the work of the ministry: it came from the king's private advisers. The speech was intended to produce a great effect, and the king had it ready two days before, in order that he might read it aloud, and, in a manner, fix it in his memory. On the 2nd of March, 1830, the session was opened by the king, in the great room of the Louvre, in the presence of all the royal family and the diplomatic corps, with more than usual pomp and splendour. As the king was approaching the throne, he dropped his hat from his hand, which the duke of Orleans pressed forward to pick up; and he presented it to Charles X., with one knee bent on the ground.* The king announced the intimate union which subsisted among the powers of Europe, the close of the Greek war, and the establishment of the independence of Greece; he spoke of the insults to the French flag from the Dey of Algiers, for which he would demand a signal satisfaction; and he spoke of matters financial. The

* Annuaire Historique, &c., pour 1830,' p. 6.

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