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Ralph Bucknel.
Mawes, (St.)

Sir J. Tredenham,
John Tredenham.
Melcomb Regis.
Henry Henning,
Thomas Freke.
Merioneth,
Sir John Wynne.
Midhurst,
Sir Wm. Morley.
John Lukener.
: Middlesex,

Sir Charles Garrard,
Ralph Hawley.
Milbourn-Port,
Sir Thomas Travel,
Sir Charles Carteret.
Minehead,
John Sandford,
Alexander Lutterel.
Michael, (St.)
Francis Scobell,
Humphrey Courtney.
Monmouthshire,

Ch. marq. of Worcester,
Thomas Morgan.
Monmouth Town,
Sir Charles Keymis.
Morpeth,
George Fenwick,
George Nicholas.
Montgomeryshire,
Edward Vaughan.
Montgomery Town,
Price Devereux.

Newark upon Trent,
Hon. Wm. lord Eland,
Sir Francis Molineux.
Newcastle under Line,
Sir Thomas Bellot,
Sir John Levison Gower.

Newcastle upon Tine,
Sir Ralph and Wm. Carr.
Newport, (Cornwall)
John Specott,
John Morice.
Newport, (Hants)
Richard Leveson,
Sir William Stevens.
Newton, (Lancashire)
George Cholmondley,
John Bennet.

Newton, (Hants)
Rd. earl of Ranelagh,
Thomas Done.
Norfolk County,
Sir Jacob Astley,
Sir William Cooke.
Northamptonshire,
Sir Andrew St. John,
John Parkhurst.

Northampton Town,
Sir Will. Langham,
Sir Justinian Isham.
Northumberland County,
William Forster,
Philip Bickerstaff.
Norwich,
Thomas Blofield,
John Ward.
Nottinghamshire,
Sir Scroop How,
VOL. V.

William Sacheverell. Nottingham Town, Charles Hutchinson, Richard Slater. Okehampton, William Carey, John Burrington. Orford, Thomas Glemham, Thomas Felton. Oxfordshire, Montagu lord Norris, Sir Robert Jenkinson. Oxford City, Hon. Henry Bertie, Sir Edward Harley.

Oxford University, Hon. Heneage Finch, Sir Thomas Clarges. Pembrokeshire, Sir Hugh Owen.

Pembroke Town, Arthur Owen. Penryn,

Alexander Pendarvis,
Sidney Godolphin.

Peterborough,
Gilbert Dolben,
William Brownlow.
Petersfield,
Robert Mitchell,
Richard Holt.
Plymouth,
John Grenville,
John Trelawny.
Plimpton,
John Pollexfen,
Sir John Trevor.

Pool,

Sir Nathaniel Napier,
Anthony Lord Ashley.
Pontefract,
Hon. Henry Dawney,
Sir John Bland.

Portsmouth,
Hon. Edward Russel,
Nicholas Hedger.
Preston,

Sir Charles Greenfield,
Sir Edward Chisenhall.

Queenborough,

Sir John Banks,
Robert Crawford.
Radnor County,
John Jeffreys.

Radnor Town,
Robert Harley.
Reading,
Sir William Rich,
Sir Henry Fane.
Retford,
John Thornhaugh,
Richard Taylor.
Richmond,
Sir Mark Milbank,
Theodore Bathurst.
Rippon,

Sir Jonathan Jennings,
Jonathan Jennings.
Rochester,

Sir Joseph Williamson,
Caleb Banks.
Rumney,

Sir Charles Sedley,

John Brewer.
Rutland County,
Bennet Sherrard,

Sir Thomas Mackworth.

Rye,

Sir John Austin, Thomas Frewen.

Ryegate,

Sir Jn. and Jn. Parsons.
Salop County,
Hon. Rd. Lord Newport,
Edw. Kynaston.

Salop Town,
Hon. Andrew Newport,
Richard Mytton.
Saltash,
Narcissus Lutterel,
Michael Hill.
Sandwich,
John Thurbane,
Edward Brent.

Sarum, New,
Thomas Hoby,
Thomas Pitt.
Sarum Old,

Sir Thomas Mompesson,
William Harvey.
Scarborough,
Lord Irwyn,

Sir Charles Hotham.
Seaford,
William Champion,
Henry Pelham.
Shaftsbury,
Edward Nichols,
Sir Matthew Andrews.
Shoreham,

Sir Edw. Hungerford,
John Petty.

Somersetshire,
Sir Edward Philips,
Nathaniel Palmer.

Southampton County
Ch. marq. of Winchester,
Richard Norton.
Southampton Town,
Sir Charles Wyndham,
Sir Benj. Newland.
Southwark,
Anthony Boyer,
John Arnold.
Staffordshire,
John Gray,
Walter Chetwynd.
Stafford Town,
John Chetwynd,
Jonathan Cope.
Stamford,
Charles Bertie,
William Hyde.
Steyning,
Sir John Fagg,
Robert Fagg.
Stockbridge,
William Montagu,
Richard Whitehead.
Sudbury,
Philip Gurdon,
John Robinson.
Suffolk,

Sir Jervis Elwys,

Sir Samuel Barnardiston.

2 N

Surry,

Sir Richard Onslow, Sir Francis Vincent.

Sussex,

Sir John Pelham,
Sir William Thomas.
Tamworth,
Sir Henry Gough,
Michael Biddulph.
Tavistock,
Robert lord Russel,
Sir Francis Drake.
Taun'on,
Edward Clarke,
John Speake.

Tewkesbury,

Richard Dowdeswell,
Sir Francis Winnington.
Thetford,

Sir Francis Guybon,
Baptist May.

Thirsk,

Thomas Frankland,
Richard Staines.
Tiverton,

Thomas Bere,
Sir Anthony Kecke.
Tolness,
Henry Seymour,
Thomas Coulston.
Tregony,
Hugh Fortescue,
Lord Kildare.
Truro,

Sir Henry Ashurst,
Henry Vincent.
Wallingford,
William Jennings,
John Wallis.
Warwickshire,
William Bromley,
Andrew Archer.
Warwick Town,
Lord Digby,
William Colemore,
Wareham,
Thomas Erle,
Thomas Skinner.
Wells,
Hopton Wyndham,
Edward Berkeley.
Wendover,
Richard Beke,
John Blackwell.

Wenlock,

Sir William Forrester,
George Weld.
Weobly,
Robert Price,
Thomas Foley.
Westbury,
Peregrine Bertie,
Richard Lewis.
Westminster,
Sir Walter Clarges,
Sir Stephen Fox.

Westmoreland,
Sir John Lowther,
Sir Christ. Musgrave.

Weymouth,

Sir John Morton,
Michael Harvey.

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Sir John Trevor chosen Speaker.] His majesty, in the house of lords (by sir Robert Atkins, lord chief baron of the exchequer, and Speaker of the house of lords) commanded the commons to proceed to the choice of a Speaker; and the house being returned, sir John Lowther, vice-chamberlain to his majesty, humbly proposed to the house, "That he conceived sir John Trevor both for his great experience in parliamentary affairs, and knowledge in the laws, was every way qualified for that employment;" and accordingly he was, on the question put, allowed of, and chosen for the Speaker, and immediately conducted to the chair by sir John Lowther and sir Henry Goodrick; where he acknowledged the great honour the house had done him; withall saying, "That he feared they had done themselves a great prejudice in making choice of him; and therefore he desired their leave to disable himself before the royal throne, that they might thereby have an opportunity of making a better choice."

The King's Speech on opening the Session..] Mar. 21. The house of commons attended the

"Sir John Trevor was a bold and dextrous man, and knew the most effectual ways of recommending himself to every government. He had been in great favour in king James's time, and was made master of the rolls by him; and if lord Jeffreys had stuck at any thing, he was looked on as the man likeliest to have had the great seal. He now got himself to be chosen Speaker, and was made first commissioner of the great seal. Being a Tory in principle he undertook to manage that party, provided he was furnished with such sums of money as might purchase some votes; and by him began the practice of buying off men, in which hitherto the king had kept to stricter rules." Burnet. In March, 1694, he was expelled the house, for receiving a gratuity of 1000 guineas from the city of London, after passing the Orphan's Bill; and Mr. Foley succeeded him as Speaker.

king in the house of lords, where his majesty, after confirming sir John Trevor Speaker, and allowing of and granting their usual privileges, was pleased to make the following Speech:

"My lords and gentlemen; I am resolved to leave nothing unattempted, on my part, which may contribute to the peace and prosperity of this nation; and finding my presence in Ireland will be absolutely necessary for the more speedy reducing of that kingdom, I con. tinue my resolution of going thither as soon as may be; and I have now called you together for your assistance, to enable me to prosecute that war with speed and vigour; in which I assure myself of your cheerful concurrence, being a work so necessary for your own safeties. In order to this, I desire you will forthwith make a settlement of the Revenue; and I cannot doubt but you will therein have as much regard for the honour and dignity of the monarchy in my hands, as hath been lately showed to others: And I have so great a confidence in you, that if no quicker or more convenient way can be found for the raising of ready Money, (without which the service cannot be perform ed) I shall be very well content, for the present, to have it made such a Fund of Credit as may be useful to yourselves, as well as me, in this conjuncture: not having the least apprehensions, but that you will provide for the taking off all such Anticipations as it shall happen to fall under.—It is sufficiently known how earnestly I have endeavoured to extinguish, or at least compose, all differences amongst my subjects, and to that end, how often have I recommend ed an Act of Indemnity to the last parliament ! preventing of private suits, is already enacted, But since that part of it which related to the and because debates of that nature must take up more of your time than can now be spared from the dispatch of those other things which I intend to send you an Act of Grace, with exare absolutely necessary for our common safety; ceptions of some few persons only, but such as their crimes; and, at the same time, my readimay be sufficient to show my great dislike of ness to extend protection to all my other subjects; who will thereby see that they can recommend themselves to me by no other me shall always be the only rules of my governthods, than what the laws prescribe; which ment.-A farther reason, which induces me to send you the Act at this time, is, because I am jects for the raising of disturbances in the godesirous to have no colour to any of my subabsence; And I say this, both to inform you, vernment; and especially in the time of my

"Sometimes the king would say, he would had a revenue for life. He said once to bishop not stay and hold an empty name, unless he Burnet, that he understood the good of a commonwealth as well as of a kingly government, and it was hard to determine which was the best; but he was sure, the worst of all governments was that of a king, without treasure and without power." Burnet.

Sir Tho. Clarges. I observe, that, in part of the king's Speech, the king speaks of the Revenue,' and I think that is Supply.

Sir Edw. Seymour. According to the ancient rules and orders of the house, you may consider all the other parts of the king's Speech, but of Supply, nothing. You are not to part with Money upon any consideration, without consideration. If you will go upon all the parts, except what relates to Supply, you may; but there is no consideration of such moment, as to take off your padlocks from Money, considering the poverty of the nation.

Sir Henry Goodrick. I agree with Seymour that, if Supply be first moved, then you go into a committee. The king desires a settlement of the Revenue, as other monarchs have had ;' it is not immediately a Supply.

and to let some ill-affected men see, that I am not unacquainted how busy they are in their present endeavours to alter it.-Amongst other encouragements which I find they give them- Mr. Hampden. I am in some difficulty what selves, one of the ways by which they hope to to say. It is not the first time I have seen a compass their designs, is, by creating differ- committee have general directions. If a Supences and disagreements in your councils; ply be moved for, then you are to go into a com which I hope you will be very careful to pre-mittee, to consider the matter. vent; for be assured, that our greatest enemies can have no better instruments for their purposes, than those who shall any ways endeavour to disturb or delay your speedy and unanimous proceeding upon these necessary matters. must recommend also to your consideration an Union with Scotland. I do not mean it should now be entered upon; but they having proposed this to me some time since, and the parliament there having nominated commissioners for that purpose, I should be glad that commissioners might also be nominated here, to treat with them, and to see if such terms could be agreed on, as night be for the benefit of both nations; so as to be ready to be presented you in some future session. My Lords and Gentlemen; I have thought it most convenient to leave the administration of the government in the hands of the queen, during my absence; and, if it shall be judged necessary, to have an act of parliament for the better confirmation of it to her, I desire you would let such a one be prepared to be presented to me.-I have this only to add, that the season of the year, and my journey into Ireland, will admit but of a very short session; so that I must recommend to you the making such dispatch, that we may not be engaged in debates, when our enemies shall be in the field for the success of the War, and the more thrifty management of it, will both principally depend upon your speedy resolutions; and I hope it will not be long before we shall meet again, to perfect what the time will not now allow to be done."

The Speaker, and the house of commons being returned, the rest of the day was employed in taking the Oaths, &c.

Sir Christ. Musgrave. If you consider the granting a revenue, you go against the methods of the house. We are told, this is not granting Money,' but I take it to concern money as much as may be. It is giving money, and then you ought to appoint a day for the consideration of that motion: I hope you will not precipitate matters, so as to break the rules of the house. I am as ready to support the government as any man, and you are secure not to suffer by going according to the rules of the house. I would appoint a day.

Sir John Lowther. I would not have any body think, that I intended, by my motion, to surprize the house. I did not understand a Bill for the Revenue' to be a motion for Supply; but if that be the sense of the house, I am for a farther day; and I doubt not but, the necessity of the motion considered, you will appoint a speedy day. If those who understand the method of the house better than I, agree for a Bill, I move for to-morrow morning; but because I would not displease nor surprize any body, for my own part, though there be prudence on one part for a longer day, there are Sir John Lowther. I should be glad to be in- affections on the other side for a speedy day. formed of the method by which you will pro- The Speaker. The reason of a grand comceed, in the consideration of the king's Speech:mittee is, that there should be no surprize. In nothing is more certain, that not only the good of this nation, but of all Europe, depends upon your resolutions. I move, that the house may go into a committee, which is most proper for gentlemen to have liberty to speak as often as they please. No one man can comprehend what he has to say, at once.

Debate on the King's Speech.] March 22. The Speaker reported and read to the house his majesty's Speech, as above.

Sir Tho. Lee. I should be glad to know the business of that committee, when we go into it. The Speech is of divers parts. One part is most necessary to be immediately thought of, and that is of Supply; the reason why you support the war, is to support the kingdom; that being so, you will but misspend your time on Supply. I thought you would have been moved to give the king Supply by a vote for it.

the late king James's time, the house immediately entered into a grand committee, because the motion of Supply was not opposed. You may put the question for to-morrow.

Mr. Hampden. It is moved for' to-morrow to go into a grand committee, to settle the king's Revenue. The motion is said to be for raising Money. The house does ever religiously observe order every way. I ever shall be for it; but, in that question, I would not involve another question. Gentlemen say, settling the Revenue is granting Supply;' but let us hear why and why not. But keep to that first question, That a motion being made for settling the king's Revenue, to appoint a day to consider of it.'

Sir Edw. Seymour. Your Books will direct you. Put your question in the words of your Order, and that will direct you.

Mr. Sacheverell. I would a little consider and open what is to-morrow's work. I have always been of opinion, that the French king is the most likely to trouble England, and I doubt not but gentlemen will not give a million in trade to support him. I have showed it formerly, as manifest as the sun shines. I can bring undeniable proofs of it out of the CustomHouse books. But if you settle the Revenue before that be considered (which will be done in a day or two) till that be, I cannot give my consent to give away so great a sum.

ment under their present majesties king William and queen Mary, both by their counsels and with their assistance, to the utmost of their power. 3. That the whole house do attend his majesty with the said Resolutions; and that this house will, on Wednesday next, take into consideration his majesty's gracious Speech."

March 25, 1690. The Speaker reported, That, in Answer to the Resolutions of the house, presented yesterday to his majesty, his majesty was pleased to express himself to this effect:

"Gentlemen; I thank you for your Address, and for your Resolution to assist and support me: and as I have ventured my life for the nation, so I am resolved always to do. I hope you will take my Speech into your speedy consideration, and that this may be a happy session."

This day, sir Thomas Mompesson, in his place, asked pardon of the house, and of Mr. Okeden, for assaulting Mr. Okeden in the

Sir Henry Goodrick. This must be, in consequence, settling a new Book of Rates, but you cannot remedy this: unless you bring all others into the same prohibition, yours will signify little; but if the meaning be for a new Book of Rates, you have not time now to do it. All Europe will have a vast advantage by hav-lobby, an account thereof being given by Mr. ing that trade, and you will lose it. I would have gentlemen tell us, whether it be practicable in a month's time?

Mr. Sacheverell. I did not talk of a prohibition, only the consideration of so great an evil, and when the house has an account of it, I only lay it before you.

Sir Tho. Clarges. If he moves not for a new Book of Rates, he moves for nothing. How comes this to you? Now you are to consider of the Revenue, he tells you that the Trade with France is a million.' I believe, by the Book of Rates, of 27 or 28 years standing, comparing it when in war, there is a great over-balance. That Paper of the French Trade has walked this house long. But, as Sacheverell uses to say, he would have things aboveboard,' if you settle the Revenue on the king and queen, without the Book of Rates-I have heard say, that it may be done in a week's time. We may have peace with France, Par quaritur bello. I would so settle Trade as it may be for the future.

Mr. Papillon. I believe all gentlemen have the same dislike to France; but it was that Book of Rates he mentions, when the court favoured France. I have known the time, when the French trade was an advantage to England; but now we are in war with France; but when we come to peace, then it will be proper to make a settlement of the Rates; but if you make one now, you must make a new one then, when time is proper. Now we are at enmity with France, it will be of no advantage at all, but loss of time.

Sir John Knight. I was in hopes that Sacheverell, when he gave you an account of French Trade, would have told you how trade is now carried on with France. There is a ship at Bristol with all commodities for France. I desire it may be considered.

Resolved, nem. con. "1. That the humble and hearty Thanks of this house be presented to his majesty, for his gracious Speech. 2. That the house will assert and support the Govern

Piper and col. Trelawney, members of the house, and the serjeant at arms, and door keepers; and the Speaker acquainted sir Thomas "That the house had considered that he was an ancient member, and therefore were very indulgent to him by their Resolution, which he acquainted him with, and required him to ask pardon accordingly," which he did do.

Debate on settling the Revenue.] March 27. The house went into a grand committee, on the Supply. Mr. Hampden, chancellor of the exchequer, in the chair.

Sir John Lowther. It was your Resolution yesterday to go to-day into a grand committee, to consider of Supply. The first paragraph of the king's Speech is about settling the Revenue,' and it is to that I stand up to move you. For rescuing you from arbitrary government, and restoring you to your religion and laws, the king has done his part; there remains our part to be done. The reducing Ireland is a great work to be done; the king is willing to go thither in person, to make your charge easy; and I hope the king's return will be victorious and speedy: and when he does expose his person, and we are at our ease at home, for expressing our gratitude I move you to settle the Revenue on king William and queen Mary for their lives.'

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Serj. Maynard. If the king be necessitous, he will have necessitous counsellors about him. The Revenue of the crown-land is all gone, it is aliened from him; he can have nothing from his land, but from parliament. The question is, What and for how long you will give him? A king in want can never be quiet. As for the Revenue, I would not have it too much. Consider Quantum, quomodo, et quamdiu. I move,

That it may be settled for three years.' As king of England, if all were quiet, I would have it for life; that the king may be a freeholder as well as we. As for the relief of Ireland, that is a distinct consideration by itself.

Sir John Thompson. You cannot put the question, for settling the Revenue for life,"

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without leave from the house. The Order is, to consider about Supply.'

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Sir Tho. Lee. I always thought, that they that gave the crown of England a Revenue,' gave Supply.' I speak only to order. I think the matter of the Revenue' is the only debate before you.

Sir Christ. Musgrave. I think you cannot put that question; before you come to that, you must go to the particular parts of the Revenue; you must tell us what you mean by Revenue.' As for the Excise, part of it is hereditary; it was so, and I know not what has made it other wise. Before you put the question, I would know whether all the Customs and Excise be complicated in the question. Would you have all the Revenue for years turned into lives? First, consider whether any part be hereditary, and whether you will make it all so; when that is ordered, then consider Supply.

Mr. Paul Foley. I would know what the Revenue is, and what it is likely to prove, and not to settle a Revenue for life, as is necessary in war, but in time of peace. When Ch. 2. returned, it was generally agreed, that 1,200,000l. per ann. was a sufficient Revenue to support the government; in the next parliament, it was not pretended that more was requisite, but that, the Revenue came not up to so much. I know not what the Revenue is now; but I have heard, that in Ch. 2's time, it was two millions, and more in king James's time; therefore I would have you consider, and it is worth your while to consider: If you settle such a Revenue, as that the king should have no need of a parliament, I think we do not our duty to them that sent us hither. Therefore I would know what the Revenue is.

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Revenue to a bad prince, you cannot now decently take it away; if you give it to a good prince, he may be thrifty, and may have a Bank, and may presume upon it to destroy our Liberties. If a prince be prodigal, he is more safe than if thrifty; but it is an odd sort of safety, and to be given to Pensioners to betray their trust. I would have the Revenue known. Mr. Pelham. You are told, that the Revenue came to two millions in king Charles's and king James's time; but, as to what is said of the ill effects of it in king James's time, none of that mischief came by that Revenue, but upon what was given him afterwards, which enabled him to raise his Army, and bring in Popery.

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Sir Joseph Williamson. By complication of several parts, the question becomes more difficult. The scope of the king's Speech being Supply, that is properly before you; but as to the other language of it, of settling a Revenue for a Supply, you must think well upon it before you come to a Resolution. In matter of Supply, the question is not strictly held to it by firsting, seconding, and thirding it, but it is to be opened, so as freely to give a judgment, whether we can make the one or the other. Till it can be showed, that settling the Revenue is the Supply, I cannot come up to the question. A Supply is necessary; we cannot sit here else. A Revenue, for the king to live with honour and comfort upon, every body is for, so as to provide for the monarchy, in whose hands soever it is, that parliaments may be frequent. There are some alive, that know all, and have felt, that, when princes have not needed Money, they have not needed us. I have seen princes undone by those methods, Sir Edmund Jennings. I remember the that they have been made believe would estamethod in king James's parliament, and why blish them. I drive at this: will gentlemen now we should take other precedents, I know show us what part of the Revenue is a Fund to not. If you desire to preserve the Church and supply the present necessity practicable and State, will you not settle such a Revenue as effectual? In this case, wherein all our safeties will do it, and why is not this king to be trusted are at stake, that that should be given for as well as king James? Either we shall run Money which is none! I have heard say, back to Popery and Slavery on the one hand,There is a great Revenue, 1,200,000l. a year. or anarchy on the other. What will neigh-I would ask, what can be taken up upon that bouring princes say, if we do not do by this uncertain Revenue? For that point so to give, prince, as we have done by the former? I that we may be still called to give-This way doubt we shall find ill effects afterwards. I will be to anticipate the Revenue-For the have no court-employments to expect or lose, pressing occasions, if there can be laid down a only I would save Religion and Property: Fund for the present necessity to be anticitherefore settle, the Revenue upon this king, as pated, it will be a guard still for a parliament. upon king James. I would give such a Supply as to prosecute the war with speed and vigour; and I leave the consideration of it to other persons.

Sir Robert Cotton. We cannot answer the king's ends, without doing as is moved. You must settle a Fund, and you must distinguish the Hereditary Revenue, and a Fund. I would express my gratitude to the king, but there must be some certain number of years to have a fund.

Mr. Hutchinson. You have been moved to settle a Revenue upon this king, as upon king James.' I would know whether that had so good effect, as to settle it so now, and whether so extravagant a Grant can be good either for a good or a bad prince? If you gave this

Mr. Harbord. To supply the king' will be without contradiction: therefore I would put that question.

That

Sir Christ. Musgrave. You tell us, a question for Supply will answer the first article of the king's Speech.' But I would have it answer the second article, upon the Revenue.' I suppose it has been considered, that the Revenue must be a Fund; therefore I would have it; for with the Revenue there must be a security. I would have the way prescribed,

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