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most effectual means for carrying on his ruinous | house would agree to what he was going to and destructive projects; yet either from the propose: it is this that could make men of unshaken constancy of the people, or want of peaceable dispositions and considerable estates dexterity in his ministers, he was altogether vote for a standing army; it is this, that could defeated in his expectation. bring admirals to confess that our fleet under their command was no security to us: it is this could make wise men act against their own apparent interest. In short; it is this that has infatuated our prudence, staggered our constancy, sullied our reputation, and introduced a total defection froin all true English principles. Bribery is indeed so sure and unavoidable a way to destroy any nation, that we may all sit down and wonder that so much as the very name of a free government is yet continued to us. And if by our wary choice of members we should happen to recover oor ancient constitution, we shall with horror and amazement look back, and reflect on the dreadful precipice we so narrowly escaped.

6. This miserable disappointment of king James's hopes made way for our late glorious revolution, which was brought about by the hearty endeavours, and accompanied with the most unfeigned vows and wishes of all true lovers of their country, who from hence expected a full deliverance from their present miseries, and a sure remedy for their future fears: for what happiness might not the people well hope for under the government of the best of kings, supported by the best of titles, viz. The general consent and election of his people? We were filled with golden dreams not only of a bare security for our estates and lives, but an inexhausted affluence of all manner of blessings a nation is capable of enjoying. But though we have dreamt the dreams, yet have we not seen the visions. And though the nation is by this time sadly sensible how wretchedly they have falien short of their expected happiness, yet are they not at all acquainted with the true spring and fountain from whence all their misfortunes flow, which is indeed no other than that bare-faced and openly avowed corruption, which, like a universal leprosy, has so notoriously infected and overspread both our court and parliament. It is from hence are plainly derived all the calamities and distractions under which the whole nation at present groans: it is this that has changed the very natures of Englishmen, and of valiant made them cowards, of eloquent dumb, and of honest men villains: it is this can make a whole house of commons eat their own words, and countervote what they had just before resolved on: it is this could summon the mercenary members from all quarters of the town in an instant to vote their fellow criminals innocent: it is this that can make the parliament throw away the peoples money with the utmost profusion, without enquiring into the management of it: it is this that put a stop to the examination of that scandalous escape of the Thoulon fleet into Brest: it is this that has encouraged the mismanagements of the admiralty, in relation to the loss of so vast a number of men of war and merchant-ships, as well as other miscarriages, which were by all men judged to proceed not from their want of understanding in sea-affairs: it is this that has hindered the passing a bill so often brought into the house for incapacitating members to bear offices: it is this that could not only indemnify, but honour a leading member for his audacious procuring and accepting a grant of lands, which by the parliament had been set apart for the public service; a vote that shall stand recorded in their own Journals to the never-dying infamy of that mercenary assembly: it is this could make the same person most confidently affirm, that he was sure the majority of the

7. Fatal experience has now more than enough convinced us, that courts have beeu the same in all ages, and that few persons have been found of such approved constancy and resolution as to withstand the powerful allurements and temptations which from thence have been continually dispensed for the corrupting of mens minds, and debauching their honest principles. Such instances of the frailty of human nature may be given within these few years past, as might make a man ever ashamed of his own species, and which (were they not so open and notorious) ought out of pity to mankind to be buried in perpetual silence. Who can enough lament the wretched degeneracy of the age we live in? To see persons who were formerly noted for the most vigorous asscrters of their country's liberty, who from their infancy had imbibed no other notions than what conduced to the public safety, whose principles were further improved and confirmed by the advantages of a suitable conversation, and who were so far possest with this spirit of liberty, that it sometimes transported them beyond the bounds of moderation, even to unwarrantable excesses: to see these men, I say, so infamously fall in with the arbitrary measures of the court, and appear the most active instruments for enslaving their country, and that without any formal steps or degrees, but all in an instant, is so violent and surprising a transition from one extreme to another without passing the mean, as would have confounded the imaginations of Euclid or Pyrrho. All the stated maxims, in relation to the nature of mankind, which have been long ago settled and established by philosophers and observing men, are now baffled and exploded; and we have nothing left us to contemplate, but the wild extravagances of romantic fables, the sudden conveyances of nimble-fingered jugglers, the inimitable dispatches of transubstantiating priests, or the now more credible metamorphorses of men into beasts.

8. The necessity we have lain under of frequent meetings of parliament during the war,

has taught our managers so much dexterity
and address in their applications to the mem-
bers of that assembly, that they are now be-
come consummate masters in that most detes-
able art of corrupting our representatives, by
hopes and fears of attaining or losing offices
and preferments. And though I here name
offices, yet those offices are downright bribes
and peusions, since they are held precariously
from the court, and constantly taken away
upon non-compliance with the Court-mea-
sures; though I am not ignorant that several
considerable pensions were also paid out of
the exchequer to members of both houses:
for places could not be had for all, though they
have tried all imaginable arts for dividing
among themselves the considerable posts in
the kingdom: for either by splitting of offices
among several persons, which were formerly
executed by one, or by reviving such as were
sunk, or by creating others which were alto-
gether useless and unnecessary, or by promises
of preferment to those who could not presently
be provided for, they had made above two
hundred members absolutely dependent upon
them. And what points might not such a
number carry in the house, who were always
ready and constantly attending with more di-
ligence to destroy our constitution, than the
rest were to preserve it? who represented not
their country but themselves, and always kept
together in a close and undivided phalanx, im-
penetrable either by shame or honour, voting
always the same way, and saying always the
same things, as if they were no longer volun-
tary agents, but so many engines merely turned
about by a mechanic motion, like an organ
where the great humming bases as well as the
little squeeking trebles are filled but with one
blast of wind from the same sound-board.
Yet a few of them may in some measure be
distinguished from those point blank voters,
whom neither their country's safety, nor their
own more dear and valued interest, nor the
persuasion of their once intimate friends, nor
fear of reproach, nor love of reputation could
ever prevail to join in an honest point, or dis-
sent from a question that carried in it the
violation of the rights and properties of the
subject. These are the men who have per-
suaded his majesty, or rather assumed to them-vice of the commonwealth.
selves not to fill up any vacant offices whilst
the parliament is sitting; but to keep all pre-
tenders in dependence till the end of the ses-
sion, and bind them up to their ill behaviour,
which will then be their best pretence to de-
mand their wages of unrighteousness: witness
the commission of excise the last session,
which was sued for by, and promised to above
thirty competitors, who all did their utmost to
signalize their several merits for an oflice,
which doubtless will be at last divided among
those who have deserved worst of their coun-
try. By these means they made their num-
bers and interest in the house so great, that
no miscarriage in the government could ever
be redrest, nor the meanest tool belonging to
VOL. V.-Appendix.

them be punished: some of which they did
indeed take into their own hands, which raised
in the people a high expectation that some
extraordinary penalties would be inflicted upon
them; when their design at the same time was
nothing else than to protect and screen them
from the ordinary course of justice. Such is
now the difference in point of corruption be-
tween a common jury, and the grand jury of
the nation! Such a mutual assistance and
support have they been to one another in the
several mismanagements of their trusts: so
favourable have they been to their own crea-
tures, and so implacable to those who have
any way opposed their unjust proceedings;
witness their scandalous partiality in the case
of Duncomb, which I hope to see printed at
large for the satisfaction of the public. If it.
were truly represented, I am sure there needs
nothing more to excite in the people a univer-
sal detestation of their arrogance and in-
justice. And yet do these apostates pretend
to value themselves upon their merit in con-
triving that most destructive project of exche-
quer bills, by which all impartial men must
either think they notoriously dissemble with us,
or that they have indeed lost their senses when
they speak of publick service: the word is so
unbecoming in their mouths, and so aukwardly
pronounced, that they seem not to breathe in
their own element when they usurp the name.
These are the men who have endeavoured to
render our condition hopeless, even beyond the
power of the king himself to relieve us: for
though his majesty be deservedly loved and
honoured by his people for his readiness to do
them justice, and case their oppressions, yet
can we not expect it from him whilst he is thus
beset and surrounded, and his palaces invested
by these conspirators against his own honour
and the welfare of his kingdoms. The only
remedy therefore that remains, is, to chuse
such a parliament who lie under no tempta-
tions, and are acted by no other motives than
the real and true interest of his majesty and
his dominions; a parliament that will fall una-
nimously upon publick business, and be free
from those petty factions and personal piques
which in the late session so shamefully ob-
structed and delayed the most important ser-

9. If it should be pretended, that the nation is yet unsettled, and the fear of king James has forced them upon these extraordinary methods for their own preservation: I answer, That no cause whatsoever can be justly alledged in vindication of such vile arts and pernicious practices. But I would further ask them, what necessity there is upon that account for their gaining such prodigious estates to themselves in so short a time, and in so merciless a way, when the nation was racked to the utmost by taxes in a long and expensive war? Is it the fear of king James that has brought such a reproach upon our Revolution, as if it needed to be supported by such mean and unjustifiable practices? Is it the fear of king h

James that makes us content he should live so near us, or that he should be maintained at our own charge of 50,000l. per annum? Or has not rather king James been made the pretence for the unwarrantable proceedings of our conspirators during the war and since the conclusion of the peace? It is very strange that king James, who is but their jest in private, should be thus made their public bugbear to frighten us out of our senses like children: so that king James must be at last our ruin abroad, who could not compass it by all his power and interest at home. And in this sense I am of their opinion that we are not yet quite delivered from the fear of King James, who must be made the instrument of our slavery by those very persons who pretend their greatest merit to consist in delivering us from him. But what is this but making the old abdicated tyrant a footstool to ascend the throne of absolute power, and a scaffold for erecting that proud and stately edifice from whence we have so justly tumbled him down headlong? But it is to be hoped the nation will be no longer imposed on by such stale pretences as these, and that a well chosen parliament will not fail to pass their severest censures upon those who would thus jest us out of all that is dear and valuable amongst us that they will no longer resemble a flock of sheep (as Cato said of the Romans in his time) that follow the bell-wether, and are contented, when altogether, to be led by the noses by such whose counsels not a man of them would make use of in a private cause of his own that they will at last vindicate the honour of England, and imitate their wise ancestors in hunting down their beasts of prey, these noxious verniin to the commonwealth, rather than suffer themselves to be led in collars and couples by one mighty Nimrod, who upon the turning up of his nose shall expect a full cry of sequacious animals, who must either join voices, or be turned out of the pack.

10. Notwithstanding what I have said, I would not have any of them either really imagine themselves, or falsly suggest to others, that I envy them their places and preferments; which I am so far from doing, that I wish they rather had them for the term of their lives: I desire only they may be subject to the laws, and to some power on earth that may call them to account for their misbehaviours, that they may not be their own judges, that our sovereign remedy may not prove our chief disease, and that the kid may be seethed in something else than its mother's milk. Nor would I by any means deny them their seats in parliament, provided they are in a condition to speak and act freely, and discharged from those temptations which I find they have not constancy enough to withstand; for after all, I still believe many of them so honest, that nothing but money or preferments will corrupt them. But if nothing will satisfy them but the downright subversion of our constitution; if they will be content with nothing but the utter

abolishing of all laws, and the rooting up of those fences and securities provided by our ancestors for the preservation of all things that are sacred and esteemed among mankind; it is high time for the electors to look about them, and disappoint their unreasonable and exorbitant hopes, and to spew them out as detestable members of the Commonwealth; not only as unfit to be trusted with their liberties, but as unworthy to breathe in the air of a free go

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11. If any should say, That the alterations in elections will stand us in no stead, since whoever are chosen will still be bought off and bribed with court preferments: I answer, it will require a considerable time to new-model and debauch a house of commons, nor can it be done but by displacing all those who are already possessed, to make room for these new comers, which will make the trade and mystery of bribery more plain, and consequently more abhorred. And since no parliament can now sit above three years, the court will meet with fresh difficulties to interrupt them, which may possibly at last make them weary of these practices. It is true, indeed, this consideration ought to make us more circumspect in our choice of members, for though we should chuse but an inconsiderable number of pensioners, yet they will soon be able to work over a majority to their side: so true is the saying, A little leaven leavens the whole lump.' Whoever therefore out of any particular friendship, or other motives of fear or private interest, should vote for any one person so qualified; let him consider, that as much as in him lies, he makes a compliment of all the liberties of England to the insatiable avarice and ambition of statesmen and court-ministers. Since therefore we have so narrowly escaped our destruction, and one session more of the last parliament would infallibly have ruined our constitution, we cannot surely be so grossly overseen as to neglect the opportunity now put into our hands for avoiding the like hazards in time to come; which may easily be done, if the freeholders and burghers in England will petition and engage their representatives to consent to a bill which shall be brought into the house, to incapacitate all members for holding offices and preferments: or if it should be thought too much to debar them altogether from the enjoyments of posts of honour and advantage, let them keep them during good behaviour, and not otherwise; that such places may not be reserved in store for those who shall be from time to time elected, and thereby a continued course of corruption be carried on successively through the whole nation, who will in a few years insensibly find themselves so universally infected with this insinuating vice, that we shall be thoroughly ripe for destruction, and readily expose to sale the liberties of England by auction to the fairest bidder. If it was deservedly thought one of our most dangerous grievances, that the judges, who only declare the law, should hold their places ad bene pla

citum: what condition must we be in when auspicious vapours which have hindered him our law-makers themselves are subjected to the from breaking out in the height of his meridian same temptations? Or what advantage have glories, and intercepted his benign and noble we got by having our judges commissions for influence upon his inferior and dependent life, when our very legislature itself is prosti- orbs: that he might deliver up to justice those tuted to bribery and sordid gain? The fortune traitorous and insinuating parasites, who enof England is now brought to the nicest point, deavour to inspire into his sacred breast an and there are critical seasons, which if neg- unworthy jealousy of his people, as if he lected, will never again be offered; and should wanted the assistance of a Standing Army to we now fail in our duty to our country, we secure and establish to himself that throne shall assuredly fall unpitied by the rest of the which he has already so firmly erected in the world. But if on the other hand we can by hearts and affections of his subjects: and lastly, our foresight and diligence prevent for the fu- that he might wholly discharge himself of those ture the bribing and corrupting of parliaments, wretched and perfidious statesmen, who enit is not to be imagined what security, what deavour to fix the brand of their own acquired happiness, and what immortal reputation will infamy upon their master, that they may make be the never-ceasing concomitants of such a him as hateful to one party for their vices, as settlement. If the very rump of a parliament, he is already to another for his own virtues, even in the midst of domestic discontents, and and deprive him of the glorious title of the beset on all sides with foreign assaults and in- world's greatest benefactor, which he has so vasion, were able by that one self-denying act | justly purchased to himself by his immortal to maintain the public welfare from the danger performances. of inward convulsions at home, and violent 12. I shall conclude with one word, in anconcussions from abroad; if that small and swer to such who may possibly think I have broken number without any head, and under reflected too much upon the supineness and so many disadvantages, could by this only base neglect of the people of England; as if means secure our peace, and so widely extendit were possible they could be such monstrous the repute and honour of the English name; what country or what region could ever give limits to the unbounded reputation of a full and legal parliament so nobly qualified? What nation could there be so powerful as to resist our forces, or so politic as to infatuate our counsels? There is nothing within the compass of human wishes that we might not assure ourselves from the wisdom and virtue of such a disinterested assembly, headed and incouraged by the most auspicious prince that ever yet swayed the English sceptre: a prince who only waits the opportunity of our own willingness to be happy, and is fired with a longing eagerness to see the nation deserve the glorious effects of his inimitable conduct, and inexhausted beneficence; who only wishes a happy conjuncture of a free and unbiassed parliament, that he might join with them in the rescue of himself and us from the oppression of those devouring harpies, who would tear off the yct green and flourishing laurels from his majestic brows, and ungratefully cast a tarnish upon the lustre of his bright and shining atchievements: that he might dissipate those in

and unnatural self-murderers, as to give away with their own breath and free consent all their rights to their estates and lives. I confess I should be glad to find my labour lost upon this account: but I desire such to consider, that there are many honest and wellmeaning Englishmen who do not distinguish between our present government, and our present way of governing; whose distance from the parliament, multiplicity of business, or other circumstances, in the world, render them less able to penetrate the designs that are now carrying on for the total subversion of our most excellent constitution. And it is plain on the other hand, that the great and unwearied diligence of the present conspirators against our government, in order to support their future elections, does infer their thoughts, that the majority of the electors are capable of being imposed upon in this gross and unexampled manner. Since therefore those who are making us slaves, think it no great difficulty to effect their purposes, I see no reason why I ought to be so tender as to forbear expressing my fears and apprehensions of their success.

N° XII.

An ESSAY upon TAXES, calculated for the present Juncture of Affairs in England.

By the Marquis of HALIFAX. 1693.*

cise, and shew how far they are consistent or inconsistent with the government, ease, and

upon the whole offer my opinion, what are the best methods and expedients to raise money by.

As to the matter of those aids, our ancestors have observed these rules. First, they must not consist of things of common necessity or livelihood, but rather superfluity. Secondly, they must not burthen our native commodities and manufactures, materials, or other things relating thereunto. Thirdly, they have always avoided to impose upon things wherein the people had no benefit or advantage, but rather upon land, trade, and other gainful professions. Fourthly, they have always avoided new and foreign taxes; and when proposed, have declared they could not grant them without advising with those that sent them; and several rebellions have happened on this occasion. Fifthly, they have had always great regard to the condition of the several ranks of men among us, to support them in the condition they are in, and consequently to preserve the monarchy. Sixthly, to charge money and personal estate not employed in trade, double to land and trade. Seventhly, above all, that equality should be observed in the imposition.

SINCE it is of the last consequence to every true Englishman, that the present war should be carried on for the preservation of our liber-liberty of the people; and in the last place, ties and religion, against the common enemy of both; and notwithstanding the false and foolish insinuations of some discontented Jacobites, that a peace with France were more necessary than a war; and that it is more carried on for the sake of others, than ourselves; and that if it were necessary, it might be better carried on by ourselves alone, than in conjunc- | tion with confederates; and that the only way to secure our religion and liberty, obtain a safe and secure peace, and avoid the great burthens we are subject to for the carrying on the war, were to cast off the present government and take measures with king James and the king of France; yet there is nothing more clear than that these notions are altogether absurd and impracticable and that the true meaning of it is, only to give up all that is dear to us, into the hands of two princes, who have always preferred the design of subverting our religion and liberties, to all other considerations whatsoever; and that it is much better to fight for Flanders than for England, and in conjunction with confederates, than alone, is what will bear no dispute. All that admits of a doubt is, what are the best means and methods to carry on this war. As to the first, relating only to the raising of aids sufficient for this undertaking, I thought I could not do a more acceptable scrvice to my country, than at this time to contribute my poor endeavours. As to the latter, relating to the military designs, and manner of exccuting them, I must acknowledge myself wholly incompetent both by my education and experience; and shall chuse therefore to recommend that matter, with my good wishes, to those whose province it is, and especially to my Sovereign, who I judge must needs be better informed in this matter than any other prince or person whatsoever.

The method I shall pursue to set this matter in a clear light, shall be to lay down some general rules or maxims by which our ancestors have steered in the laying of impositions, which had great regard to the constitution of the government, and condition of the people, and therefore are not easily to be departed from. In the next place, I shall endeavour to examine the several taxes that are now in use, and such foreign taxes and projects as are most in vogue, and by some thought to be more eligible to be introduced, especially that of a home ex

Somers' Tracts, 1 Coll. vol. iv. p. 63.

As to the persons, these rules were observed: First, the dignified clergy usually gave double to the laity, considering that they were freed from all personal services, and most other taxes; that their revenues were all upon old rents not subject to defalcations, repairs, or loss by tenants, or for want of them, or other diminution; and had great advantages in point of fines by renewal. And as for the other clergy, their tythes, and other profits, came into their hands with little charge, and that as well the dignified, as others, were provided for by laws, not to come in by purchase but free gift, and are now exempted from all foreign payments to Rome, and its dependance, to which all foreign popish clergy are subject. Secondly, as to the greater and lesser nobility, they were always treated favourably, being the chief basis and support of the monarchy, and were allowed for their port and necessary support of their dignities, and did rarely exceed in the payment of their subsidy, the sum of 20l. for 1,000l. which they called a sparable part. Thirdly, as to the rich usurer or tradesman, whose family and expence was small, and gains great, and escaped most burtheus, as not being so visible as lands;

*Rot. Parliam. 9 Edw. 3rd. nu 5. Vide C. Instit. 4 Part, fol. 34.

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