NOTES. 331 the sixteenth century appeared to be the proper fruits of it." So Mr Froude, as if the professors of the fire-new gospel of Protestantism disdained the English design to murder Mary and James, or the swords that shed the blood of Beaton, or the daggers that clashed in the brain and breast of Riccio. NOTES TO CHAPTER XII. 1 Spottiswoode, ii. 321. 3 Thorpe's Calendar, i. 478, 482. 2 Spanish State Papers, iii. 525-529. 4 Forbes-Leith, Narratives of Scottish Catholics, p. 192. 5 Stafford to Burleigh, October 30, 1583; Hatfield Calendar, iii. 15. 6 His letters to Nau and Mary have been published in part by Mr Froude, but are fully printed in the 'Hatfield Calendar,' iii. 47, 117, 206. Probably they were seized later, at Chartley, with the rest of Mary's papers. 7 Hatfield Calendar, iii. 172, 173. 8 Hatfield Calendar, iii. 47-62. . 9 Papers of the Master of Gray, p. 16. "It is given out that he is not the king's son, but Davy's, which he told Cuddy Armourer, with water in his eyes, being but they two alone." Armourer was a servant and emissary of Hunsdon. 10 Davison to Walsingham, Edinburgh, August 24, 1584; Papers relating to the Master of Gray, pp. 5, 6. 11 Davison to Walsingham, July 4; Thorpe's Calendar, i. 477. 12 Calderwood, iv. 147. 14 See p. 308, footnote. 13 Thorpe, Calendar, i. 479. 15 Calderwood, iv. 169; Confession of Drummond of Blair. 16 Davison to Walsingham, August 8; Thorpe, Calendar, i. 482. 17 State Papers, MS. Scot., Eliz., vol. xxxvi. No. 17. 18 July 23, James to Mary; Murdin, p. 434. 19 State Papers, MS. Scot., Eliz., vol. xxxvi. No. 24. 20 State Papers, MS. Scot., Eliz., vol. xxxvi. No. 29. 21 Act. Parl. Scot., iii. 347; Calderwood, iv. 197, 198. 22 State Papers, MS. Scot., Eliz., vol. xxxvi. Nos. 50 and 91. 23 Calderwood, iv. 239, 240. 24 Thorpe, Calendar, i. 488, 489; Papers of the Master of Gray, pp. 9, 10— Commission to the Master, October 14, 1584. 23 Labanoff, vi. 16-27; Papers of the Master of Gray, pp. 30-37. 26 Froude, vi. 39. 1870. 23 Thorpe, Calendar, i. 490, 491. 27 Teulet, iii. 326, November 25. 29 Papers of the Master of Gray, pp. 41-43. 30 March 12; Labanoff, vi. 123-127. 32 Thorpe, Calendar, i. 502. 31 Spanish State Papers, iii. 545. 33 Brit. Mus., Caligula, C viii. fol. 222. 3 State Papers, MS. Scot., Eliz., vol. xxxviii. No. 33. 35 Papers of the Master of Gray, pp. 58-61. 36 Thorpe, Calendar, i. 513. 332 37 Act. Parl. Scot., iii. 373-422. 30 Calderwood, iv. 485. NOTES. Calderwood, iv. 448-465. 40 Calderwood, iv. 401-503. M'Crie, Life of Andrew Melville, pp. 125-130 (1856); i. 362 (1819). 42 Spanish State Papers, iii. 581. 43 Spanish State Papers, iii. 663. 44 State Papers, MS. Scot., Eliz., April 1, 2. 45 Spanish State Papers, iii. 590. 46 Labanoff, vi. 312, 322; Mary to Charles Paget. 47 State Papers, MS. Scot., vol. xxxix. No. 66. 48 Papers of the Master of Gray, pp. 106, 107. 49 Hatfield Calendar, iii. 157. 50 Hatfield Calendar, iii. 173, 174. 51 Courcelles' Negotiations, Bannatyne Club, p. 7. 52 Courcelles, p. 11. In 'Hatfield Calendar,' iii. 185, Keith is printed "Heath." 53 Hatfield Calendar, iii. 190-193. 55 Courcelles, p. 22. 57 Spanish State Papers, iii. 676. 54 Courcelles, p. 13; October 31. 56 Thorpe, Calendar, i. 538. 58 The Master of Gray gives practically the same version, but makes himself the spokesman, and says nothing of Melville (Papers of the Master of Gray, pp. 129, 130). 59 Froude, vi. 307 (1870). 60 Teulet, Relations Politiques, iv. 166, 167; Mémoire pour les Affaires du Roy. Mr Froude cites "Advis pour M. de Villeroy," which is a different document. 61 Spottiswoode, ii. 373. 62 Papers of the Master of Gray, p. 133. 63 Hatfield Calendar, iii. 230; Papers of the Master of Gray, p. 139. 64 Privy Council Register, iv. 168. 65 Courcelles, pp. 37, 38; Hatfield Calendar, iii. 192. 66 Privy Council Register, iv. 140. 67 Calderwood, iv. 606, 607; Spottiswoode, ii. 356; M'Crie, 'Life of Andrew Melville,' pp. 131, 132; i. 363-366 (1819). Dr M'Crie quotes Courcelles as saying that "even those who refused at first" (to pray for Mary) "yielded." Courcelles writes, "Some of the ministers agreed to pray, . . . but others there are that stand still fast, ... but they are fain to yield as well as others." If they did, Dr M'Crie is right. CHAPTER XIII. THE KING OF MANY ENEMIES. 1587-1593. * THE news of Mary's death aroused in Scotland a futile storm of indignation. A Catholic informant of Cecil's, Ogilvie of Pourie (already mentioned as a spy and double-dealer), declared that James was "desperate of his mother's life" (probably the news of her death was unconfirmed); that the country was eager to arm; that the Hamiltons offered to burn Newcastle with 5000 men.1 Had James been a prince of heart and spirit he would long ere this have summoned his subjects to meet him, "boden in effeir of war"; would have slipped the Hamiltons on Newcastle; Bothwell and Buccleuch, with all Liddell, Esk, and Teviotdale, on Carlisle ; would himself have mounted and ridden, while all the blue bonnets were over the border. Through Angus he might have kept the preachers in hand, or might have cast them into Blackness, and thus he might have risked a second Flodden, losing all but honour. Honour, on the other hand, was all that he lost. Calderwood says that he "could not conceal his inward joy," and that Maitland had to put the crowd of courtiers out of the room.2 Courcelles gives a different account. James told him that he had done all that could be done, and had only received a note from Elizabeth with a promise to send Carey, who was at Berwick. James vowed that, if Mary were dead, he "would not accord with the price of his mother's blood." He denied the story that he had written * This young Ogilvie of Pourie was in London with the Master of Gray, in the Embassy. He sold himself to Cecil, as Logan, also a Catholic, to Walsingham. Ogilvie's later intrigues, nominally for the Catholics and James with Rome and Spain, were more or less devices controlled by Cecil. 334 AFTER MARY'S DEATH. 3 to Elizabeth, putting Mary's head at her disposal. It is certain, however, that letters from Scotland, and obscure dealings of Alexander Stewart, did enable Elizabeth to harden her heart; so the Master of Gray wrote to the king. The Council turned towards France, where Archbishop Beaton was still to be ambassador for Scotland, to the horror of the preachers, who feared that Henri III. would insist on toleration, if he aided James to avenge Mary. On March 5 James still pretended not to believe in Mary's death, and awaited the return of his messenger to Carey, his old tutor, Mr Peter Young. Meanwhile he assured Courcelles that he wished to desert the English league for the Auld Alliance. The envoy to Berwick brought back the certainty of what had befallen, and news that Elizabeth had put her unhappy scapegoat, Davison, in the Tower. She added what Mr Froude calls "an abject and ignominious "—we may say a lying and perjured-letter to James. Nobody was deceived. Archibald Douglas announced that George Douglas was to be sent on a mission to France: Courcelles declares that James now suspected and desired to arrest the Master of Gray, but by April 3 he deemed that James would work for peace. On March 4 Walsingham wrote to Maitland, to be shown to James, a long pacific memoir. French and Spanish aid, he said, was "in the air": it always was. The strength of Scotland was utterly inadequate for the war. James, if he fought, would lose, perhaps his life, certainly all prospect of the English crown. The ambition of Philip, the condition of France under the League, made help from either Power out of the question. The true nature of the chances of the Scottish Catholics from Spain or France may be gathered from the Spanish State Papers. The English priests, Allen and Parsons, were dependent on Spain, and on Philip, who was determined to advance his own claims to the English crown, James being barred as a hopeless heretic. Meanwhile Robert Bruce, the spy, was intriguing for Claude Hamilton, Huntly, and Morton (Maxwell) both with Guise and with Philip, and the Duke of Parma, commanding the Spanish forces in the Low Countries. Ready to take aid from any quarter, Philip did send 10,000 crowns by Bruce for the Catholic Earls, and Bruce arranged with Parma a feasible plot for bringing over Spanish troops in grain vessels. But it was the belief of Philip, and of most of his advisers, that James would remain a resolute heretic. The Spanish aid to the Scottish Catholics would only be the means towards a DILEMMA OF ELIZABETH. 335 Scottish diversion in case of a Spanish invasion of England. Bruce did see James himself, and found him in manner genial, but an obdurate Protestant, under Maitland, "a heretic and an atheist.” Overcharged with expenses, Philip did not back the Catholic earls, time was wasted, the plot of the grain ships was delayed till too late in the season, and though Morton (Maxwell) went to Spain, offering to hold Kirkcudbright open for the Armada, though Huntly promised to secure Leith, though an advance on England by way of Scotland was probably the wisest plan, the Scottish Catholics were left, detached, poor, and powerless, while England was the aim of the Armada. Yet for many years, till 1603, the Scottish Catholics continued to traffic with Spain, and to hope for troops and money from Spain, while usually disbelieving that James would be converted. James, says Parma to Philip, "becomes more and more confirmed in his heresy" (1588).5 All this futility of Spanish promises Walsingham clearly discerned. He added that James might change his creed: he would but be the more distrusted. The world must acknowledge that James had done all that man might do-revenge was unchristian, true honour was not outraged, success was wholly impossible, if war was attempted. All this was very true-nay, extremely obvious. But it did not follow that James need continue to take money from hands dipped in his mother's blood. Of money, however, from whatever quarter, James thought non olet. Meanwhile (March 1587) Elizabeth carried out the cruel farce of trying and ruining Davison, her scapegoat; and Cecil, in instructions to Carey, was obliged to sink to Elizabeth's level of meanness (April 3). James had Elizabeth at an avail. If she was innocent, if Davison and others were guilty, then, he said, let them be given up to him. At present her honour was not cleared. Elizabeth was in the same position as Mary had been in the commissions at York and Westminster (1568) as to her guilt of Darnley's death. Like Mary, she finally said that, as a crowned queen, she was answerable only to God. Several drafts of her shifting replies exist; at last she screwed up her courage to be firm. Clearly she did not share Walsingham's assurance that James was powerless, and that France and Spain would not move. Yet nothing could be more manifest. In Scotland matters were in suspense till the assembling of the Estates. Arran had been trying to fish in the troubled waters, |