beginner of all the former troubles in the country, and still continued to breed disturbance.1 1 Here I may redeem the pledge, given in note 5, on page 293, of showing this relation erroneous. The Hon. Samuel Eddy, many years secretary of the state of Rhode Island, and a consistent asserter of the doctrine of religious liberty, for which his fellow citizens may feel as great obligation, as I do for his antiquarian diligence in furnishing the State Papers, 2 Hist. Coll. VII. 75-113, besides other valuable information, has supplied me the evidence. In a letter of 18 January, 1817, now before me, after quoting from Hubbard, 338, 9, what that historian had copied from our text, he adds: "Now this, not to notice the contradiction, is altogether without foundation, and contrary to the whole tenor of the records, which admit of no such construction. On the first settlement of the island, they chose Coddington (7th 1st month, 1638, the day of their incorporation) their judge. He remained sole judge until the 2d of the 11th month, 1638, when they chose three elders to his assistance, viz. Nicholas Easton, John Coggeshall and William Brenton. These all continued in office until the 12th of the 1st month, 1640, when they ordered their chief magistrate to be called governour, the next, deputy governour, and Easton, Coggeshall, William Hutchinson and John Porter assistants, for one year. This was the only time that William Hut. chinson was chosen to office. The four following years, Coddington and Brenton were re-elected. 1641, Coggeshall, Robert Harding, William Balston and John Porter were chosen assistants. The three following years, they were all re-elected. In 1642, according to Hutchinson, (vol. I. p. 72,) William Hutchinson died on Rhode Island. The same year, according to Hubbard, Mrs. Hutchinson and family removed to some place under the Dutch,' and were destroyed by the Indians." "The fact, in itself, is, to be sure, of not much importance; though it removes from Mrs. Hutchinson a part of the evidence of her being a meddling and troublesome woman. But, so far as it shows the materials from which the historian composed his narrative, it is of considerable importance. Vague reports ought never to be adopted in opposition to records. Neither ought they to be adopted at all, but as such; and not then, until the proper sources of information have been examined. I am apprehensive, that much of what has been said, and continues to be said, of the first settlers of this state, is founded on the same kind of authority. I purpose hereafter to show something of this in the case of Gorton, who appears to have been the common butt of all the early, and some late writers, than whom, I am persuaded, no one of the first settlers of this country has received more unmerited reproach, nor any one suffered so much injustice. His opinions on religious subjects were, probably, somewhat singular, though certainly not more so than those of many at this day. But that was his business: his opinions were his own, and he had a right to them." When my correspondent fulfils his promise of giving the true character and life of Gorton, he will render an acceptable service to his country; but if my desire could influence him, it should impose not only that calumniated individual, but the whole colony, upon a gentleman so well able to vindicate its reputation. But he must be told, that Hubbard is innocently chargeable with following materials, from which he did not so much compose, as compile, or rather copy, his work. To prevent him and all succeeding writers from looking into the historian of Ipswich, as an original authority, for any fact which Winthrop had related, I subjoin to this protracted note two considerations, from which the just value of his book may be ascertained. 1. Hutchinson, the most diligent and exact of all writers of colonial history, since Winthrop, whose work he could not see, at the opening of his labours, mentions his apparatus: "among the rest a manuscript history of Mr. They also gathered a church in a very disordered way; for they took some excommunicated persons, and others who were members of the church of Boston and not dismissed.1 WILLIAM HUBBARD, which is carried down to the year 1680, but, after 1650, contains but few facts." Now our author's work brings the series of events to 1649, when he died. Yet, though Hubbard was in the prime of life for the thirty years following, he seems to have slighted most of the occurrences, in which he should have felt the deepest interest, if he had not also felt his incapacity to appear the relater of them. A small part of his volume was, certainly, compiled from several scarce tracts relative to the discovery of our coast and the early voyages to it; and, for any thing of date preceding 1630, his information is sometimes authentick, and often curious. A collation with Morton's Memorial will, however, prove the facility, with which Hubbard transcribed whole pages in succession, even from a printed book. But from the time when Winthrop came to his aid, he generously relies on him, and deems the labour of copying sufficient. So that more than seven eighths of his volume, between 1630 and 1650, is borrowed, usually by specifick extracts, occasionally with unimportant changes, from the text of the Father of Massachusetts. It must be acknowledged, however, that, sometimes, he wisely abbreviates; though, much more frequently, he slides over circumstances, as dates or numbers, in which the chirography of the MS. would have given him too much trouble to be accurate. I would recommend to any studious lover of our early history to go through from pages 128 to 536 of Hubbard, and in his margin to note the corresponding passages from this History. 2. Dr. Holmes, in his invaluable Annals, a work which almost compensates our loss of the accuracy of Prince, has referred, between pages 255 and 347 of vol. I. narrating events within the limits of time, for which Winthrop could and did afford assistance, not less than one hundred and seven times to the MS. of Hubbard. Now fifty-six of these citations are of passages taken literally by Hubbard from our History, and three fourths of the remaining fiftyone are such as the Ipswich historian adopted, with alterations utterly trivial, from the same authority. Printing, therefore, lamentably reduced the value of that MS., as all antiquaries, it may be presumed, would acknowledge higher veneration for written than printed evidence. Yet the scrupulous annalist may easily be absolved from censure; for, when his volumes were put forth, it had never been considered, whence Hubbard derived his treasures. Those which could not be found in the former printed volume of Winthrop, must have been sought in Hubbard; and of the fourteen last citations by Dr. Holmes, within the space abovementioned, eleven will be seen, from the part of the History now first published, to be literal extracts. All this process of verification, the work of a few hours, if not too easily credited by my readers, will afford, to any who attempt it, sufficient amusement, and at the same time furnish infallible means of ascertaining the relative value of the testimony furnished by each of the witnesses, Hubbard and Winthrop. 1 Those members of Boston church, who had been driven by intolerance to the new region, if they gathered a church at all, must do it in a disordered way; for they might well apprehend, that an application for dismission would be rejected, and perhaps punished by excommunication. The anathema against the outcasts, I suppose, belongs also to all who receive them. In 2 Hist. Coll. X. 184, is a long letter of Cotton, in the name of the church of Boston, to Francis Hutchinson, at Acquettinck, or Rhode Island, refusing dismission, though it appears to have been solicited on two grounds, of his remote situation rendering it impossible for him to perform the duties of his covenant at Boston, and also of his natural obligation to attend upon his parents. 6.] The two regiments in the bay were mustered at Boston, to the number of one thousand soldiers, able men, and well armed and exercised. They were ||led,|| the one by the governour, who was general of all, and the other by the deputy, who was colonel, &c. The captains, &c. showed themselves very skilful and ready in divers sorts of skirmishes and other military actions, wherein they spent the whole day.1 One of Pascataquack, having opportunity to go into Mr. Burdet his study, and finding there the copy of his letter to the archbishops, sent it to the governour, which was to this effect: That he did delay to go into England, because he would fully inform himself of the state of the people here in regard of allegiance; and that it was not discipline that was now so much aimed at, as sovereignty; and that it was accounted perjury and treason in our general courts to speak of appeals to the king. The first ships, which came this year, brought him letters from the archbishops and the lords commissioners for plantations, wherein they gave him thanks for his care of his majesty's service, &c. and that they would take a time to redress such disorders as he had informed them of, &c. but, by reason of the much business now lay upon them, they could not, at present, accomplish his desire. These letters lay above fourteen days in the bay, and some moved the governour to open them; but himself and others of the council thought it not safe to meddle with them, nor would take any notice of them; and it fell out well, by God's good providence; for the letters (by some means) were opened, (yet without any of their privity or consent,) and Mr. Burdett threatened to complain of it to the lords; and afterwards we had knowledge of the contents of them by some of his own friends. The governour received letters from Mr. Cradock, and int them another order from the lords commissioners, to this effect: That, whereas they had received our petition upon their former order, &c. by which they perceived, that we were taken with some jealousies and fears of their intentions, &c. they did accept of our answer, and did now declare their 1 Wonder-working Providence is chiefly valued for its account of the military array of the people in their several settlements, lib. II. c. 26, the author having been better acquainted with the use of the sword than the Bible, though so frequently ambitious of exhibiting his dexterity in handling the word. 2 See page 269. intentions to be only to regulate all plantations to be subordinate to the said commission; and that they meant to continue our liberties, &c.; and therefore did now again peremptorily require the governour to send them our patent by the first ship; and that, in the mean time, they did give us, by that order, full power to go on in the government of the people until we had a new patent sent us; and, withal, they added threats of further course to be taken with us, if we failed. This order being imparted to the next general court, some advised to return answer to it. Others thought fitter to make no answer at all, because, being sent in a private letter, and not delivered by a certain messenger, as the former order was, they could not proceed upon it, because they could not have any proof that it was delivered to the governour; §and order was taken, that Mr. Cradock's agent, who delivered the letter to the governour, &c. should, in his letters to his master, make no mention of the letters he delivered to the governour,§ seeing his master had not laid any charge upon him to that end. Mr. Haynes, the governour of Connecticut, and Mr. Hook&c. came into the bay, and staid near a month. It appear ed by them, that they were desirous to renew the treaty of confederation with us, and though themselves would not move it, yet, by their means, it was moved ||to|| our general court, and accepted; for they were in some doubt of the Dutch, who had lately received a new 'governour, a more discreet and sober man than the former, and one who did complain much of the injury done to them at Connecticut, and was very forward to hold correspondency with us, and very inquisitive how things stood between us and them of Connecticut, which occasioned us the more readily to renew the former treaty, that the Dutch might not take notice of any breach or alienation be er, tween us. 22.] The court of elections was; at which time there was a small eclipse of the sun. Mr. Winthrop was chosen governour again, though some labouring had been, by some of the elders Sand others to have changed, not out of any dislike of him, (for they all loved and esteemed him,) but out of their fear lest it might make way for having a governour for life, which some had propounded as most agreeable to God's institution and the practice of all well ordered states. But neither the governour ||by|| 1 His name was William Kieft; and of him frequent notice will occur in the interminable negotiations between the Dutch and our New England colonies, It is hardly necessary to refer the reader, for amusement at his expense, to Knickerbocker's New York, nor any other attempted the thing; though some jealousies arose, which were increased by two occasions. The first was, there being want of assistants, the governour and other magistrates thought fit (in the warrant for the court) to propound three, amongst which Mr. Downing, the governour's brotherin-law, was one, which they conceived to be done to strengthen his party, and therefore, though he were known to be a very able man, &c. and one who had done many good offices for the country for these ten years, yet the people would not choose him.1 Another occasion of their jealousy was, the court, finding the number of deputies to be much increased by the addition of new plantations, thought fit, for the ease both of the country and the court, to reduce all towns to two deputies.2 This occasioned some to fear, that the magistrates intended to make themselves stronger, and the deputies weaker, and so, in time, to bring all power into the hands of the magistrates; so as the people in some towns were much displeased with their deputies for yielding to such an order. Whereupon, at the next session, it was propounded to have the number of deputies restored; and allegations were made, that it was an infringement of their liberty; so as, after much debate, and such reasons given for diminishing the number of deputies, and clearly proved that their liberty consisted not in the number, but in the thing, divers of the deputies, who came with intent to reverse the last order, were, by force of reason, brought to uphold it; so that, when it was put to the vote, the last order for two deputies only was confirmed. Yet, the next day, a petition was brought to the court from the freemen of Roxbury, to have the third deputy|| restored. Whereupon the reasons of the court's proceedings were set down in writing, and all objections answered, and sent to such towns as were unsatisfied, with this advice, that, if any could take away those reasons, or bring us ||three deputies|| 1 It is by no means remarkable, that this measure caused some jealousy. For the exact phraseology employed, on this occasion, by the assistants, see Addenda. Yet I find this memorandum on the last page of our first volume of Colony Records, in 1641: "Mr. Flint, Mr. Symonds, Mr. Dummer, Mr. Tyng, Mr. Downing, and Mr. Pyncheon, are to be propounded to the towns for new magistrates." 2 Foresight, rather than experience, must have led to the adoption of this remedy; for the number of deputies, at the court in March preceding, amounted only to thirty-three, and had never been greater. But, in fact, the smaller towns had not exercised their full right, and the change was probably made, because two might represent either of the other towns as well as three. Perhaps it was thought, that not more than two fit men could be found in some towns. |