to be the church, pleaded that privilege for their stay, and the others alleged their multitude, &c. so as neither would give place, whereby it seemed, that either they minded not the example of Abraham's offer to Lot, or else they wanted Abraham's spirit of peace and love. This controversy having called in Mr. Davenport and others of Quilipiack, for mediation, and they not according with those of Connecticut about the case, gave advantage to Satan to ||sow some seeds of contention between those plantations also; but, being godly and wise men on both parts, things were easily reconciled.i In this month there arrived two ships at Quilipiack. One was of three hundred and fifty tons, wherein came Mr. 2Fenwick and his lady and family to make a plantation at Saybrook upon the mouth of Connecticut. Two other plantations were begun beyond Quilipiack, and every plantation intended a peculiar government. There were also divers new plantations begun this summer here and at Plimouth, as Colchester upon Merrimack, Sudbury by Concord, (Winicowett was named Hampton,) Yarmouth and Barnstaple by Cape Cod. [Large blank.] Capt. Underhill, having been dealt with and convinced of his great sin against God and the churches and state here, &c. returned to a better mind, and wrote divers letters to the governour and deputy, &c. bewailing his offences, and craving pardon. See after, (1,) 5, 39, and (7,) 3, 40. There was sent to the governour the copy of a letter written into England by Mr. Hansard Knolles of Pascataquack, wherein he had most falsely slandered this government, as that it was worse than the high commission, &c. and that here was 1 From Trumbull, I. 120, 1, it appears, the reconciliation was not very easy, and was at last effected by the separation of the dissonant parts. Stamford was settled in consequence. 2 George Fenwick, Esq. would surely deserve more consideration than he has received from the writers about our country, neither Eliot nor Allen having thought his name required insertion in their volumes, and even Trumbull being apparently negligent of one of the principal fathers of Connecticut. This probably resulted from his return to England, and there ending his days in high office, of which some influence will appear in our second volume. Hutchinson, I. 97, 8, gives the fullest account of him and his friendly regards to our country. He died early in 1657. 3 At the court in October, 1640, this place was ordered to be called Salisbury. This seems, from page 289, to have been its first name. nothing but oppression, &c. and not so much as a face of religion. The governour acquainted one of Pascataquack, Mr. Knolles his special friend, with it. Whereupon Mr. Knolles became very much perplexed, and wrote to the governour, acknowledging the wrong he had done us, and desired that his retractation might be published. The governour sent his letter into England, and kept a copy of it. See more of this after, (12,) 20, 1639. Mr. At Providence matters went after the old manner. Williams and many of his company, a few months since, were in all haste rebaptized, and denied communion with all others, and now he was come to question his second baptism, not being able to derive the authority of it from the apostles, otherwise than by the ministers of England, (whom he judged to be ill authority,) so as he conceived God would raise up some apostolick power. Therefore he bent himself that way, expecting (as was supposed) to become an apostle; and having, a little before, refused communion with all, save his own wife, now he would preach to and pray with all comers. Whereupon some of his followers left him and returned back from whence they went. (6.) 27.] Here came a small bark from the West Indies, one Capt. Jackson in her, with commission from the Westminster company to take prize, &c. from the Spaniard. He brought much wealth in money, plate, indico and sugar. He sold his indico and sugar here for £1400, wherewith he furnished himself with commodities, and departed again for the West Indies. A fishing trade was begun at Cape Ann by one Mr. ||*Maurice 'Tomson, a merchant of London; and an order was made, that all stocks employed in fishing should be free from publick charge for seven years. This was not done to encourage foreigners to set up fishing among us, (for all the gains would be returned to the place where they dwelt,) but to encourage our own people to set upon it, and in expectation that Mr. Tomson, &c. would, ere long, come settle with us. 66 ||4 Maverick|| 1 Of this gentleman I know very little. Francis Kirby, in a letter to John Winthrop, jun. 26 December, 1631, says: Capt. B. who was employed by my cousin, Maurice Thomson and company, for the trade of beaver in the River of Canada, is now arrived here...... He hath brought in here about three thousand pounds weight of beaver, and they are now hastening to set forth a small ship only for that river, hoping to be there before Capt. Kirk, who (I hear) is to fetch his men from Quebeck, and yield up the castle again to the French this next summer." Probably Thomson was not tempted to come to New England. (7.)] Here was such store of exceeding large and fat mackerel upon our coast this season, as was a great benefit to all our plantations. Some one boat with three men would take, in a week, ten hogsheads, which was sold at Connecticut for £3.12 the hogshead. There were such swarms of small flies, like moths, came from the southward, that they covered the sea, and came flying like drifts of snow; but none of them were seen upon the land.1 *(7.) 17.] A church was gathered at the Mount.* 4.] At the general court at Boston, one Mr. Nathaniel 2Eaton, brother to the merchant|| at Quilipiack, was convented and censured. The occasion was this: He was a schoolmaster, and had many scholars, the sons of gentlemen and others of best note in the country, and had entertained one Nathaniel 3Briscoe, a gentleman born, to be his usher, and to do some other things for him, which might not be unfit for a scholar. He had not been with him above three days but he fell out with him for a very small occasion, and, with reproachful terms, discharged him, and turned him out of his doors; but, it being then about eight of the clock after the Sabbath, he told him he should stay till next morning, and, some words growing between them, he struck him and pulled him into his house. Briscoe defended himself, and closed with him, and, being parted, he came in and went up to his chamber to lodge there. ||hundreds|| ||2hundred|| ||3magistrate Mr. 1 In 2 Hist. Coll. IV. 230, a large account of the mackerel fishery on the south shore of Massachusetts Bay informs us, that the appearance of such insects is a welcome herald to the fisherman." That memoir is worth consulting by all the curious. 2 Slight mention of this unhappy man will be found in Addenda. He had been admitted a freeman of our colony 9 June of the preceding year. What became of him, after 1646, is known only from Mather, who says, he went from Virginia to England, there lived privately until the restoration, then conformed to the ceremonies of the church by law established, was settled at Biddeford, persecuted the dissenters, from whom he had apostatized, and died in prison for debt. He undoubtedly had very high encouragement to continue at the head of the newly established college; for, in the Court Records, I. 252, of May preceding the date in the text, I find a grant "to Mr. Nathaniel Eaton five hundred acres, if he continue his employment for his life, to be to him and his heirs." Further evidence of the resolution of the government in supporting that institution, is found, at the same court, in two orders: 1. "That a letter should be sent to Mr. Humfrey to send in the £100, which is in his hand, to further the college." 2. "Mr. Endecott, Mr. Downing and Mr. Hawthorne are to dispose of the house, which Mr. Peters bought, as they can, and return the money for the college." 3 of him I know nothing, unless he be the author of a very curious letter from England, 7 Sept. 1652, on which proceedings more curious were had here by our government. See 3 Hist. Coll. I, 32–35. Eaton sent for the constable, who advised him first to admonish him, &c. and if he could not, by the power of a master, reform him, then he should complain to the magistrate. But he caused his man to fetch him a cudgel, which was a walnut tree plant, big enough to have killed a horse, and a yard in length, and, taking his two men with him, he went up to Briscoe, and caused his men to hold him till he had given him two hundred stripes about the head and shoulders, &c. and so kept him under blows (with some two or three short intermissions) about the space of two hours, about which time Mr. Shepherd and some others of the town came in at the outcry, and so he gave over. In this distress Briscoe gate out|| his knife, and struck at the man that held him, but hurt him not. He also fell to prayer, (supposing he should have been murdered,) and then Mr. Eaton beat him for taking the name of God in vain. After this Mr. Eaton and Mr. Shepherd (who knew not then of these passages) came to the governour and some other of the magistrates, complaining of Briscoe for his insolent speeches, and for crying out murder and drawing his knife, and desired that he might be enjoined to a publick acknowledgment, &c. The magistrates answered, that they must first hear him speak, and then they would do as they should see cause. Mr. Eaton was displeased at this, and went away discontented, &c. and, being after called into the court to make answer to the information, which had been given by some who knew the truth of the case, and also to answer for his neglect and cruelty, and other ill usage towards his scholars, one of the elders (not suspecting such miscarriages by him) came to the governour, and showed himself much grieved, that he should be publickly produced, alleging, that it would derogate from his authority and reverence among his scholars, &c. But the cause went on notwithstanding, and he was called, and these things laid to his charge in the open court. His answers were full of pride and disdain, telling the magistrates, that they should not need to do any thing herein, for he was intended to leave his employment. And being asked, why he used such cruelty to Briscoe his usher, and to other his scholars, (for it was testified by another of his ushers and divers of his scholars, that he would give them between twenty and thirty stripes at a time, and would not leave till they had confessed what he required,) his answer was, that he had this rule, that he would not give over correcting till he had subdued the party to his will. Being also questioned about the ill and scant diet of his boarders, (for, though their friends gave large allowance, yet their diet was ordinarily ||at|| nothing but porridge and pudding, and that very homely,) he put it off to his wife.1 So the court dismissed him at present, 1 An examination of the lady followed, I presume, for the former secretary of the commonwealth furnished me a paper, which can hardly refer to any other transaction than this. Some overseer of the college, probably, either magistrate or clergyman, wrote it from the confession or dictation of the accused party: "For their breakfast, that it was not so well ordered, the flower not so fine as it might, nor so well boiled or stirred, at all times that it was so, it was my sin of neglect, and want of that care that ought to have been in one that the Lord had intrusted with such a work. Concerning their beef, that was allowed them, as they affirm, which, I confess, had been my duty to have seen they should have had it, and continued to have had it, because it was my husband's command; but truly I must confess, to my shame, I cannot remember that ever they had it, nor that ever it was taken from them. And that they had not so good or so much provision in my husband's absence as presence, I conceive it was, because he would call some. times for butter or cheese, when I conceived there was no need of it; yet, forasmuch as the scholars did otherways apprehend, I desire to see the evil that was in the carriage of that as well as in the other, and to take shame to myself for it. And that they sent down for more, when they had not enough, and the maid should answer, if they had not, they should not, I must confess, that I have denied them cheese, when they have sent for it, and it have been in the house; for which I shall humbly beg pardon of them, and own the shame, and confess my sin. And for such provoking words, which my servants have given, I cannot own them, but am sorry any such should be given in my house. And for bad fish, that they had it brought to table, I am sorry there was that cause of offence given them. I acknowledge my sin in it. And for their mackerel, brought to them with their guts in them, and goat's dung in their hasty pudding, it's utterly unknown to me; but I am much ashamed it should be in the family, and not prevented by myself or servants, and I humbly acknowledge my negligence in it. And that they made their beds at any time, were my straits never so great, I am sorry they were ever put to it. For the Moor his lying in Sam. Hough's sheet and pillow-bier, it hath a truth in it: he did so one time, and it gave Sam. Hough just cause of offence; and that it was not prevented by my care and watchfulness, I desire [to] take the shame and the sorrow for it. And that they eat the Moor's crusts, and the swine and they had share and share alike, and the Moor to have beer, and they denied it, and if they had not enough, for my maid to answer, they should not, I am an utter stranger to these things, and know not the least footsteps for them so to charge me; and if my servants were guilty of such miscarriages, had the boarders complained of it unto myself, I should have thought it my sin, if I had not sharply reproved my servants, and endeavoured reform. And for bread made of heated, sour meal, although I know of but once that it was so, since I kept house, yet John Wilson affirins it was twice; and I am truly sorry, that any of it was spent amongst them. For beer and bread, that it was denied them by me betwixt meals, truly I do not remember, that ever I did deny it unto them; and John Wilson will affirm, that, generally, the bread and beer was free for the boarders to go unto. And that money was demanded of them for washing the linen, it's true it was propounded to them, but never imposed upon them. And for their pudding being given the last day of the week without butter or suet, and that I said, it was miln of Manchester in Old England, it's true that I did say so, and am sorry, they had any cause of offence given them by having it so. And for their wanting beer, betwixt brewings, a week or half a week together, I am |