merchant, came from Pascataquack in Captain Neal his pinnace, and brought sixteen hogsheads of corn to the mill. They went away November [blank.] 25.] The governour, with Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston, and the two captains, &c. went aboard the Lyon, and from thence Mr. Peirce carried them in his shallop to Wessaguscus. The next morning Mr. Peirce returned to his ship, and the governour and his company went on foot to Plimouth, and came thither within the evening. The governour of Plimouth, Mr. William Bradford, (a very discreet and grave man,) with Mr. Brewster, the elder, and some others, came forth and met them without the town, and conducted them to the gover nour's house, where they were very kindly entertained, and feasted every day at several houses. On the Lord's day there was a sacrament, which they did partake in; and, in the afternoon, Mr. Roger Williams (according to their custom) propounded a question, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spake were prevented by the decease of the great protector. But though the complaints were renewed after the restoration, (see Leverett's letter of 13 September, 1660, in Hutchinson's Coll. 322,) and thus afforded a pretext for the temporary separation directed by the royal commissioners some years after, I know not that any benefit was obtained by Godfrey. He is, perhaps, the gentleman referred to in the Narrative, Hutchinson's Coll. 423, "who refused to submit to the Massachusetts, and suffered great loss by them, showed the commissioners a warrant the Massachusetts made to have him brought to Bos. ton, alive or dead, and now demands justice against them." The errour of Prince, II. 70, who, transcribing this passage from our author, gives Vesey instead of Godfrey, must render cautious all decypherers of ancient proper names, in which I have often fallen, for a time, into as great mistakes. 1 It would be presumption, without hope, for me to attempt any memoir of Elder William Brewster, after the elaborate account in Belknap's American Biography, II. 252. 2 In the governour and company's letter to Endecott, 1629, is contained the earliest notice of the Rev. Ralph Smith, "his difference in judgment in some things from our ministers" being therein referred to as a caution against distraction in the Salem church. Haz. I. 260. His stay at that place, however, was very short; for we learn from Bradford, in Prince, I. 188, that he went to Nantasket, where he was found living “in a poor house, that would not keep him dry," and desired a better residence. Being carried to Plimouth, he became their minister for several years. In Morton, I discern his name only twice, and then with no epithets of reverence or circumstance of importance, except that of making, in 1638, complaint against Gorton; thus being the earliest of the numerous adversaries of the unhappy sectarian. But the History of Plimouth Church, 1 Hist. Coll. IV. 108, written, indeed, so lately as 1760, informs of his resignation of office in 1635, at the request of some of the flock, and partly of his own accord; and therefore I infer, that the controversy with Gorton arose not from his station. In that tract Smith is called "a man of low gifts and parts." How long he continued to reside, briefly; then Mr. Williams prophesied; and after the governour of Plimouth spake to the question; after him the elder; then some two or three more of the congregation. Then the elder desired the governour of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they did. When this was ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in mind of their duty of contribution; whereupon the governour and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat, and put into the box, and then returned. 27.] The wind N. W., Mr. Peirce set sail for Virginia. 31, being Wednesday.] About five in the morning the governour and his company came out of Plimouth; the governour of Plimouth, with the pastor and elder, &c. accompanying them near half a mile out of town in the dark. The Lieut. "Holmes, with two others, and the governour's ||mare,||3 came along with them to the great swamp, about ten miles. When they came to the great river, they were carried over by one Luddam, their guide, (as they had been when they came, the stream being very strong, and up to the crotch ;) so the governour called that passage Luddam's Ford. Thence they came to a place called 'Hue's Cross. The governour, being displeased ||man|| but the latter part where he was so lightly esteemed, is not certainly known; of this History, 1645, tells, that the people of Manchester, not then formed into a church body, had employed him to preach to them. Neither Eliot nor Allen have given him a place in their dictionaries. 1 Samuel Fuller was a gentleman high in esteem at Plimouth. He had been chosen to his office in Holland, with Gov. Carver, whom he accompanied in the first ship. He is duly honoured by Eliot, though his article should have been enlarged, from Morton's Memorial, with the date of his death, 1633. 2 After the perfect memoir of Holmes, by Judge Davis, in his edition of the New England Memorial, nothing should be expected here to extend the reader's acquaintance with him. 3 Winthrop had gone to Plimouth, on foot, from Wessaguscus, as his narrative just before showed. His friend, the governour of the elder colony, sent him back with his own horse. I have no doubt of the MS., though the former edition had man. 4 Now called North River-a stream rendered important by the great number of ships built upon its banks. See the copious account of Scituate, 2 Hist. Coll. IV. 227. 5 I have not learned any thing of this man, nor been able even to ascertain precisely where the fording place was. 6 Hue could hardly have been of much consequence in the governour's opinion, and we can scarcely justify his displeasure at the trifle. Anticipa at the name, in respect that such things might hereafter give the Papists occasion to say, that their religion was first planted in these parts, changed the name, and called it Hue's Folly. So they came, that evening, to 'Wessaguscus, where they were bountifully entertained, as before, with store of turkeys, geese, ducks, &c., and the next day came safe to Boston. About this time Mr. Dudley his house, at Newtown,|| was preserved from burning down, and all his family from being destroyed by gunpowder, by a marvellous deliverance;-the hearth of the hall chimney burning all night upon a principal §beam,§ and store of powder being near, and not discovered till they arose in the morning, and then it began to flame out. Mr. John Eliot, a member of Boston congregation, and one whom the congregation|| intended presently to call to the office of teacher, was called to be a teacher to the church|| at Roxbury; and though Boston laboured all they could, both with the congregation of Roxbury and with Mr. Eliot himself, alleging their want of him, and the covenant between them, &c. yet he could not be diverted from accepting the call of Roxbury, November 5. So he was dismissed. About a fortnight before this, those of Charlestown, who had formerly been joined to Boston congregation, now, in regard of the difficulty of passage in the winter, and having op ||Watertown|| ||2company|| ||3company|| tion of so great an empire as grew in two hundred years from their planting,, could not consist with the fear, that Papists might say their religion was first settled here. By the antiquary of Plimouth we are told of "Hewes' Cross Brook," and that John Hewes was one of the first settlers of Scituate. 2 Hist. Coll. ÍV. 303. The act of jurisdiction by Winthrop, in thus changing a name within the limits of another colony, was a slight usurpation. 1 The settlements of this place are mentioned, in order of time, on page 43. In 1624, 66 some addition to the few inhabitants of Wessaguscus, from Weymouth in England," is given by Prince, I. 150; but his authority being only manuscript letters, written, perhaps, more than a hundred years later, and probably embodying idle traditions, I am not disposed to give much credit to them, especially as the contemporary, Gov. Bradford, remarks with emphasis, ib. 144, that the second plantation came to an end in the spring of that very year. Besides, the exquisite diligence of the Annalist found no opportunity even to name the spot again before the year 1628. p. 176. Then the ill conduct of Morton and his clan rendered necessary the interference of "the chief of the straggling plantations from Piscatoway, Naumkeak, Winisimet, Wesaguscusset, Natasco, and other places." This was the celebrated and efficient expedition of Standish. Prince's authority for this is the same chief of Plimouth, whose information is always most minute and satisfactory. Perhaps, in 1627, some settlers had reoccupied the vacant fields. portunity of a pastor, one Mr. 1James, who came over at this time, were dismissed from the congregation of Boston.* 1 He remained at Charlestown little over three years, as, in the progress of this History, will be seen. Thence he removed to New Haven, where he resided some years, except while engaged on a mission, in 1642 and 3, to Virginia; and Eliot has erroneously related, that at New Haven he finished the remainder of his days. He was at Easthampton, on Long Island, in 1655. Haz. Il. 341. Hubbard, 191, says, James "returned back to Eng. land, where he was accepted as a faithful minister of the gospel, and continued in that work till the year 1678, at Needham, in Suffolk, which was about the eighty-sixth year of his age, and may yet be living." I am the more diposed to value highly this original information of Hubbard, as it is of so very rare occurrence. Prince, II. 77, is still more full than the contemporary historian. But Calamy, there quoted, must be wrong in making him resign "the parochial church of Needham August 24, 1662;" for, by the accounts of the commissioners of the United Colonies, he seems to have been in their employment as a teacher of the Indians on Long Island, until 1665. Mather blunders in giving two of the name, one at Charlestown-as if he had continued in our neighbourhood-the other at Easthampton; but, with his habitual carelessness, he omits the name of baptism of both. Had he ascertained that, he might, perhaps, have inferred the identity of the person, and struck out No. 10 of his second classis. Allen omits the name of Thomas James. 2 In the books of our divines, the order of time, in which the churches of Massachusetts were gathered, has often been noticed; but it will be found, that they have, in general, deferred too easily to the authority of Johnson's Wonder-working Providence. That writer did not, probably, mean to be precise on this point; or, if he did, is entitled to little regard. Holmes, in his History of Cambridge, 1 Hist. Coll. VII. 15, follows the general cur rent; and, though he made a partial correction, 1 Hist. Coll. X. 314, he only increases the injustice on Johnson's authority. The six churches next after Salem, he assigns to 1631, when not one was gathered that year. Half were in 1630, and half in 1632. With reference to Boston, he made amends, indeed, in Annals, I. 267, by suggesting, what nobody can fail to acquiesce in, that our church may be considered as translated in its organized state from Charlestown; though his expressions, compared with those of page 262, where he enumerates only six, instead of seven, show his timidity. Still his injustice to Watertown remains unexpiated. The scrupulous attention of this most diligent annalist would have protected him from my humble animadversion, in a particular of so slight importance, did he not receive encouragement from companions of the highest character. Judge Davis, in the beautiful address on the anniversary of the Plimouth forefathers' landing, 22 Decem ber, 1813, with which the first volume of 2 Hist. Coll. appropriately commences, has, page ix, injuriously postponed Watertown to Roxbury and Lynn. In his note F. a severe observer will, indeed, find reason to presume, that the author's judgment would give Watertown priority over those churches, notwithstanding the rank of Johnson. The body of that note, however, is occupied with disputing the claim of Watertown to stand second only to Salem. Eliot, in his invaluable essays on our ecclesiastical history, 1 Hist. Coll. X. 26, obeys, against his own knowledge, the direction of Wonder-working Providence; and Harris's History of Dorchester betrays the right to the second honour for that church. The Century Sermon of the late Dr. Kendall, in a note on pages 20, 21, irresistibly draws me to his opinion, by which Watertown is determined to a rank equal with Boston. July 30, 1630, at Watertown, forty men subscribed a church covenant." Now, there 66 The congregation of Watertown discharged their elder, Richard Brown, of his office, for his unfitness in regard of his can be no evidence, that any others, but Salem and Dorchester, preceded; though the right of Wilson's (Boston) church to date from the same day is established by Judge Davis's argument from the contemporaneous narrative of Bradford, in Prince, I. 243. We cannot doubt the precedence of Dorchester, and its claim to be reckoned in June, 1630, because, when the first court of assistants, 23 August, provided "how the ministers shall be maintained," and made a common charge on the colony for Wilson's (Boston) and Phillips's (Watertown) salaries, Mattapan and Salem were excepted. This, from the Records of Massachusetts, Prince, I. 247, must satisfy every one, that the former was considered in a church state no less than the latter. Our Dorchester settlers had an embodied church, we know, when they left home in March, and undoubtedly had regular ordinances with their two ministers after arrival in Massachusetts, in June. Prince, I. 200. Whether Roxbury, or Lynn, which come in the third year, have records to show which may certainly claim priority, is unknown, probably, to themselves. Books cannot assist us in determining. See Prince, II. 64, 68, and Johnson, lib. I. c. 21, 22. A strange obliquity of judgment has applied the facts in our text to sustain the precedency of Charlestown to Boston church. The pastor and the flock, rather than the place of their assembly, ought surely to entitle any society of worshippers to be thought the same, and not another. Even if exclusive regard be paid to place, the church of Charlestown loses more than it can gain; for, in September, 1630, the greater part of the congregation lived on this side of the river; and in that month, for the last time, the court of assistants met at Charlestown. There the body of the church remained, therefore, less than three months. The worship, afterwards, was always here; yet, for twenty-five months more, there was but one church of worshippers from both sides. The History always calls this congregation-a word, which, unless plainly used as a distinction from those in more intimate brotherhood, must always be understood by the reader as signers of the church covenant-the congregation of Boston. The dismission of Mr. James, and the thirty-two other brethren, little more than one fourth of the whole, is from Boston to Charlestown. We have every light on this subject, that Prince enjoyed, and are fully justified in forming a different conclusion from his, if his, which is doubtful, be adverse to this now expressed. If reference be made to custom or common law, the identity of a body corporate, like each of our churches, must be shown by its records. This evidence is, of course, in favour of Boston. In future days, I persuade myself, a contrary opinion will seem as strange, as the assertion in the Historical Sketch of Charlestown, 2 Hist. Coll. II. 164, that Winthrop and his company came in 1629. To conclude this long note, I solicit indulgence for the following arrangement of the early churches of Massachusetts proper, which to me appears most probable: I. Salem, 1629, 6 August. II. Dorchester, 1630, June. III. Boston, IV. Watertown, 1630, 30 July. V. Roxbury, 1632, July. VI. Lynn, 1632. VII. Charlestown, 1632, 2 Nov. VIII. Cambridge, 1633, 11 October. X. Newbury, 1635. XI. Weymouth, 1635, July. XVIII. Sudbury, 1640, August. |