highly extolled. It was, not, however, till the 21st of March, 1801, that Egypt had an opportunity of throwing off the French yoke, by the triumph of the British arms, which engaged with the Republicans, proved superior to them in courage and capacity. The glorious achievements of the 42nd regiment, who destroyed Buonaparte's Invincibles, could not but be remembered by England with pride and exultation.— We were inferior far in number to the enemy, and the victory was gained by courage, ability, and military address. Having surveyed the meritorious conduct of the army, his Royal Highness enumerated the exploits of the navy, which, on account of his own close connexion and professional partiality, he glanced at in a very cursory manner. The inestimable services of the British seamen were beyond all praise. Our transactions on the ocean, by which we had raised the character and name of our country to the greatest and most enviable eminence, were too numerous to particularise, but they would remain to the latest posterity glorious to our naval history. The Duke made some remarks on the relative situation of France and England, so far as regarded the objects of the war. Finding that each, from its peculiar predicament in which no blow could be given with effect, he had no hesitation in saying, that the best plan that could be adopted was an adjustment of differences, and a reconciliation of parties. France had completely overcome every contending power on the Continent, and therefore could have no new conquests in which to employ her numerous armies.

Great Britain, so far as regarded maritime affairs, was in a similar state. The two great powers of Europe, therefore, having no other objects of peculiar attack, except the invasion of each other's territories, were reduced to the necessity either of protracting an unavailing war, with the accumulation of debt and and its concomitant calamities, or negotiating a peace. Nor was it a common peace, but a reconciliation of differences between the two first nations of the world; and he maintained that it was both a fair and honourable peace. Ministers had deserved the warmest thanks for the

judicious selection of the particular settlements which they had retained. Ceylon was of the greatest importance to our East India possessions; it was an island whose productions were highly valuable to our commerce, consequently to our revenue; its spiceries and its harbours were extremely convenient to our merchandise, and the addition to our East India territories was inestimable. To specify minutely the advantages derivable from the possession of Trinidad would engross too much of their lordships' time; but its qualities as an island were known, and well appreciated, as they deserved to be. The Cape of Good Hope being no place of trade, had not the commercial advantages attributed to its situation, and, therefore, its surrender was no considerable loss. His Royal Highness concluded with observing that the interests of France was its continental conquests; of England, its commerce. The former was a military government; the strength of the latter was in its navy. In our views of aggrandizement, we place the cultivation of the arts of peace, and the nurseries of in theirs was the preservation of that warlike system which had overcome every opposition on the continent. France was by necessity impelled to act upon that principle; and wisdom would induce England to adopt a plan diametrically opposite. Peace, from every view of the subject, must be very acceptable to both, and doubly so to the philanthropist; because it afforded both nations an opportunity of repairing the ravages of war. He hoped and believed it would be permanent, and therefore sincerely supported the motion. Lord Nelson seconded his friend in a short speech, and declared that in his opinion the island of Malta was not of much consequence to us compared to a sound and good peace. His lordship would even resign the Cape, providea the colony were not given up to the French.

seaman ;

During the administration of that wretched minister, the imbecile Mr. Addington, the Duke of Clarence supported Lord St. Vincent in most of his measures, particularly in the reform of our naval arsenals, to which his Royal Highness

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attached very great importance. The Duke gave his testimony, in 1802, before the House of Commons in favour of the vaccine inocculation, having been a strong advocate for it from its discovery, and prescribed it in his own family. The war was now about to be renewed in consequence. as England alleged, of the aggressions of France; while that country asserted it was done in order that Great Britain might keep Malta. On the debate upon the King's message coming on, his Royal Highness said he trusted the result would be glorious for England, and contribute to the prosperity and happiness of the world. Earl Fitzwilliam having in another debate moved certain resolutions with the object to criminate the ministry for their conduct in the negotiations for peace with France, the Duke of Clarence defended the ministry with much warmth. His Royal Highness examined the basis upon which the resolutions were founded. He condemned the French Government, saying that in his view, the peace was an experiment only, and he had fears that it would not be permanent. But he had no doubt the ministry had done all they could do, and he would give them his support, were it only to keep out their predecessors, whose bad management and incapacity would render their return to office a calamity. The Duke concluded by saying, "I desire to see England exerting her vast resources to convince the mighty hero Buonaparte that we are able to contend against France with all her accessions of territory. I wish to see Great Britain chastise France. It is not the first time she has done so; and if the war be conducted with vigour, resolution, and wisdom, I think it will not be the last.

When Lord Hobart brought forward a plan for the defence of the nation, the Duke of Clarence thought his scheme had less that was objectionable than the details of one reported to have been in agitation by ministers just before, He entered upon what he believed to be the real cause of the war, and insisted that Malta had very little to do with the matter, but that the renewal of the contest arose in reality from the repeated

aggressions of the French Government. The Duke concluded, as he was, fond of doing, by an historic view of the subject, and a relation of the different invasions of England, from the time of Elizabeth, and declared with much reason that there was very little chance of an invasion succeeding; and that the fear of it ought not to prevent an adequate force from being got ready for offensive operations. It is very clear from the final result of the contest that the Duke was right. It is probable, too, that Mr. Pitt did not half 30 much dread an attack from France as he pretended to do. The ministry of Mr. Pitt was one of expedients, and had nothing to do with principles. While the country was kept by apprehensions in a union for the resistance of a powerful enemy, there was no leisure for the people to examine into the causes of the renewal of the war, into the vast sums the ministers were lavishing upon German States, to bribe them to take part in the quarrel between this country and France, nor, indeed, into any of his own measures. In the present case his Royal Highness was for a more efficient force, as he thought the numbers of troops did not go far enough to keep the enemy in alarm on their own coasts, and so divert their attention.

In October, 1803, the Duke whose time was chiefly spent at Bushey Park, improving the grounds and gardens which was done under his own superintendence, evincing a good deal of taste, united with strict economy in point of expense, every thing being directed to a combination of utility, comfort, and elegance. The Duke now put on the garb of a volunteer. The Teddington Corps has already been mentioned, and of this association his Royal Highness was one. He attended the review of the Volunteer Corps of London and its vicinity with the King, and on all occasions exhibited a zeal and patriotism. worthy of himself. All the Royal Family were present at the review but the Prince of Wales. The heir apparent had applied for a command, and had, as usual, been flatly refused. The King said, "if the enemy landed, the Prince would have an opportunity of showing his zeal at the head of his regiment." This sidelong evasion of a rational request from the Prince,

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made his Royal Highness lose his temper, and he again wrote to his father in pretty strong terms, but got no answer. injustice with which he was treated was clear; his father disliked him, and would do as little to gratify him as he could held. It is very clear that there was no state reason for such treatment. That the Duke of York would have obliged, his brother, there was no doubt, but it was evident the royal interdict was upon him. The miserable minister Addington was now tottering, and Mr. Pitt came again into place, and had the inconceivable meanness to make the imbecile whom he had treated with the bitterest contempt when out of office, his own coadjutor.

About this time his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence wrote to Sir John Sinclaire respecting the Addington administration, as follows:-" Had this country an able and an active administration, I should be afraid of nothing: but, in my opinion, our ministers, and even the country, want energy, which I will endeavour to give in every debate we shall have in Parliament; I am ready either for the cabinet or the fleet, but I have no reason to expect either situation, and must do all the good I can in parliament; and if the invasion does take place, I shall have the honour of attending his majesty, if permitted." A subsequent letter has these words:-As for politics, you never heard me say I thought the present administration efficient, and without doubt Lord Hobart is the worst of all. But I see no likelihood of a change; where Pitt goes against Addington, there Fox will support ministers; and Fox will oppose government in those measures which Pitt will approve. In short, if these champions could unite, they would not carry above one hundred members out of six hundred and fifty-eight. The crown, the union with Ireland, and above all, the dread of the times, will, in my opinion, prevent a change of men. Certainly Lord Moira ought to be brought forward, and I wish the overtures of the Prince of Wales had been rejected." There is a vast deal of sterling sense in these observations. Never was there a ministry less worthy of public regard than that of which the Duke thus wrote.