cluded. The Duke of Clarence pronounced that peer guilty of the first, second, third, sixth, seventh, eighth, and tenth charges, as did his brothers of Kent and Sussex; York, Cumberland, and Cambridge declared him not guilty on all. In the month of May, soon afterwards, the Duke moved that the petitions against the Slave Trade Preventive Bill should be heard by themselves or their counsel, upon which a long discussion ensued, and his Royal Highness was opposed by Lords Grenville, Ellenborough, St. John, Derby, Auckland, and others. After a considerable debate, the motion of the Duke was carried in the affirmative, and counsel was heard upon the part of the petitions from Jamaica and the Bahama Islands. His Royal Highness was simply anxious that there should be fair play on both sides on a measure of so great an importance. He was also opposed to some part of the preamble, and divided the house upon the point subsequently, but was left in a minority. The bill was read a third time and passed. On that occasion several of the lords temporal and spiritual, pledged themselves to use every effort in their power to bring about the total abolition of the traffic.

During this parliamentary session, the income of the Duke of Clarence, as well as the incomes of all the junior male branches of the royal family were raised from 12,000l. to 18,000%. per annum.

The affair of Sir John and Lady Douglas against the late Queen Caroline, was brought before the public this year. During the inquiry which the King ordered into the conduct of the Princess of Wales, the Duke of Clarence accompanied his brother, the heir apparent, on a tour to the North of England. The brothers reached Liverpool on the 29th September, and were received by the corporation with respect, sumptuously entertained, and the Prince of Wales presented with the freedom of the town in a gold box, a honour which the Duke of Clarence had before received. The portrait of the Duke also had been hung in the Town-hall, having been painted by permission, for that purpose, some time previously. While in this town

the princes received the news of the death of Mr. Fox, at Chiswick, of dropsy. The death of this gentleman put an end to the negotiation for peace, which it is probable were only entertained by himself and two or three of his friends in the spirit of sincerity, through which alone they had any chance of being brought to a successful termination.

In January 1807, Lord Grenville brought in a bill for the abolition of the slave trade, on the introduction of which the Duke of Clarence made a few observations. When the bill came to debated on the 5th of February, his Royal Highness rose and stated that he was glad the negroes thus employed in the colonies were not to be included in the arrangements of the bill, but would be permitted to remain under existing circumstances as before. He was pleased too, to find that those engaged in commercial pursuits connected with the trade had not been suddenly interrupted. Much misapprehension prevailed on the subject. He had been in the islands and had conversed with the most skilful persons connected with the culture followed there, the produce, trade, and population. He thought it singular that, after so much declamation against the planters had been indulged in by Lord Grenville, that only two or three instances of cruelty could be adduced to support it out of such extensive colonies. He was convinced that human nature was the same in every country, and that the planters had hearts not insensible to the calamities of their fellow beings. It was uselesss to give up the trade while other nations might continue to carry it on, under circumstances much less conducive to the benefit of the Africans, than those under which we conducted it. Under such circumstances, the attempt at the abolition was nugatory, for it would fall into worse hands, and still be persevered in with all the distresses, which those opposed to the trade were in the habit of detailing, greatly aggravated. The situation of St. Domingo ought to be a warning how the experiment was made. The population there had been reduced from 250,000 to 100,000 souls; and it was a matter for consideration, whether the horrors which had occurred in that island might not be experienced in others

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near to it. One effect of the measure would be that his Majesty, from the multitude of the seizures, would become one of the greatest slave-holders in the world; nor did he think the navy of England could put a complete stop to the trade. He feared, too, it might effect the maritime strength of the nation; for on the African trade depended, perhaps, more than any other the supply of our navy with able seamen. A third result would be, that the revenue of the state would suffer, from which the supplies of the navy itself must be drawn. There were many illustrious characters in this country, who had approved of the con.merce, and even aided its support. He could mention many men living in the circle of his acquaintance who were of the same sentiment. He could mention the gallant admiral, now no more, Lord Nelson. If the bill passed, he feared its supporters would regret their precipitation; and should the existing Ministry continue in office, he entertained no doubt, in three or four years they would retrace their steps, and apply again to Parliament for leave to resume the trade. Let the event be as it would in other respects, it was to nim perfectly clear, that if this measure were carried, the West Indies would be lost to England; and without the West Indies, the prosperity and wealth of the nation were gone, if its very existence as an independent country did not cease." The bill was passed and on the 25th of March received the royal assent. The event proves how wrong are all deductions, even of the best inclined, which are not grounded upon the principle of doing rightly and justly, without regard to consequences. None of the Royal Duke's fears were justified by the future. Princes are apt to argue too much from feeling, and keep the unerring rule of right principle out of sight. His Royal Highness, too, had found the West Indies a hospitable place, and with his own excellent disposition could not but repay it with the gratitude that did his heart honour, though as a true statesman, it might not have shown in a very strong light his Royal Highness' ability.

The foregoing was the last measure of the existing administration. Lord Howick had introduced a bill into the House

of Commons, "for allowing all persons professing the Roman Catholic religion to serve his Majesty in the navy and army, and to the free exercise of their religion." This piece of common justice in any civilized 'state, was in the King's eye unpardonable. The King demanded a pledge from the ministers that in no shape would they introduce the Catholic question. To this demand of royal bigotry such a refusal as the King hoped and expected was given, and ministers resigned their places. One and all turned out, even Lord Sidmouth, who was in heart and capacity of a narrowness quite sufficient to gratify even the King's prejudices. The Duke of Portland was made First Lord of the Treasury; Perceval, Chancellor of the Exchequer; and Lord Eldon had the Great Seal. The new ministers set going"the insensate cry of "no popery," in order to bind to their cause all the narrow-minded persons in the country at the election which ensued, and this, added to the customary influence, present and perspective of the Treasury, obtained the new ministers large and obsequious majorities. In the proceedings on this occasion the Duke of Clarence took no part.

The Duke was now forty-two years of age, and having lived retired at Bushey, would have so continued, but for the fete which he gave on his birth-day, which recalled him to public notice again. In the debates upon the wicked attack upon Copenhagen, in order most indefeasibly to deprive the Danes of their navy, his Royal Highness does not seem to have taken a part. Against the bill for abolishing places in reversion, a most salutary measure, the Dukes of York, Cumberland, and Cambridge, voted with a large majority, but none of the other brothers voted on the measure. A second bill, crippled of every clause adapted to meet the real objects of an evil so detrimental to the country, was soon after passed.

During these events, and from the bosom of his retirement at Bushey, the Duke of Clarence continued to correspond with his old naval friends. A letter of his Royal Highness to Lord Collingwood, dated Bushey, May 21, 1808, is as follows::

"MY DEAR LORD,

"A few days ago, I received your lordship's letter of the 30th of March, which has given me great satisfaction. I am most seriously interested in all your operations, and must be allowed to be a sincere friend and well-wisher to the navy; for though I have lost one son on board the Blenheim, I have just started another with my old friend and shipmate, Keates; and I have another breeding up for the quarter-deck. From the secresy of those Frenchmen, and their power on the Continent, which are equally known to your lordship and myself,—the affairs of war are more intricate than ever; but in your hands the interests of the country are safe. The great object of the enemy must be Sicily; for your lordship observes, with as much truth as wisdom, that we cannot maintain ourselves in the Mediterranean without that island. I sincerely trust that the the next time the French venture out, your lordship will fall in with them; the event will speak for itself -another Trafalgar. All I ask is, that the life of the gallant admiral may be spared to his grateful country. Your lordship mentions my approbation and friendship. Had not circumstances, which it is unnecessary to dwell upon, prevented my following our profession, I should have been proud to have seen the word 'approbation' in your lordship's letter; but situated as I am, I must to your lordship confess, that I merit not that epithet; but every individual that does his duty well is sure of my friendship. I need not say more to Lord Collingwood, the bosom friend of my ever-to-be-lamented Nelson. I took my second son to Deal, which gave me an opportunity of visiting the different ships there. I was very much pleased with what I saw, and found the navy infinitely improved. This country cannot pay too much attention to her naval conWe are the only barrier to the omnipotence of France, and it is to our navy alone that we owe this superiority. Though I have not yet the advantage of being personally known to your lordship, I trust I may be reasonably permitted to take up my pen, and that as events may arise, your lordship will favour me with a few lines. I know your time is invalua

cerns.