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In a strain peculiarly fitting the character of the man he finished his tribute to the virtues of Senator Pike, of New Hampshire:

The final end of all to our friend came in such form that
we might wish our death to be like his.
Much of oppor-
tunity for preparation for the dread summons, a gradual
weakening of the physical and mental powers, and then,
"the end of all here." Shelley well describes it:

"First our pleasures die-and then

Our hopes and then our fears-and when
These are dead the debt is due,

Dust claims dust-and we die too."

But unlike the author of Queen Mab, who saw nothing
beyond the grave, and to whom death was an eternal sleep,
our friend believed, with all the strength of an earnest,
honest nature, in the soul's immortality.
The "pleasing
hope, the fond desire," the trusting belief held him through
all his life and permitted him to look upon death as

"The great world's altar stairs

That slope through darkness up to God."

When funeral honors were being paid to his friend, comrade and colleague, James Laird, Senator Manderson gave a sketch of an enthusiastic military career, such as fancy might have faltered to adorn; and of a professional possibility filling the measure of the most exalted ambition. But,

"The æolian harp that heaven's pure breezes fill
Must breathe, at times, a melancholy strain,"

and hence the finale:

To me there is something pitiful in the loneliness of the last few years of this short life. He had no near relative living at the time of his death. He was the last of his race. The father, the strong preacher, died in his youth. His two oldest brothers were killed on the field of honor near his side in the early days of the war. His younger brother died of a distressing accident some years ago. There was left him no kin save the dear old Scotch mother to whom her "boy Jamie" was all in all. How fondly he cherished her. She made her home with him and desolation entered the door when her form was carried through it to the lone couch of everlasting sleep.

When memorial addresses were delivered in honor of General W. T. Sherman, Senator Manderson's contribution revealed him

as one who comprehended the true magnitude of the coming war of 1861, before the civil authorities were able to grasp its far-reaching proportions; and also refuted the charge of cruelty in war, as the skillful surgeon should be exonerated who used the knife unsparingly in order to save the life of the patient. He said of the march to the sea:

There was in front of the Union soldier a foeman worthy of his steel. The conduct of the Confederate army under its skillful leaders in its masterly retreat during that campaign is one that is unequaled in the history of war. And had there not been at the head of the Union forces a soldier so admirably equipped as Sherman, I don't believe that Atlanta, the gate city of the South, would have been ours. The capture of that city, the opening of that gate permitted the "March to the Sea," over which orators grow eloquent, and which produced the familiar song which will live forever in the poetry of nations, and be the tune of inspiration to the daring of soldiers while war shall be.

In his eulogy upon the character of Senator Barbour, of Virginia, including a sketch of his distinguished ancestry, fortunate education and professional success, there occurs a paragraph beautiful in conception and tastefully uttered:

MR. MANDERSON: Mr. President, the interesting details of the symmetrical life and well-rounded career of John S. Barbour have been given to the Senate by the distinguished gentleman who was his associate and colleague in the performance of public duty in this chamber. The recital is like unto a steady march to sweetest music.

From the forming of the column in the Old Dominion, nearly three quarters of a century ago, down through the long line to the time when the parade was dismissed under the shadow of the dome of the nation's capitol, the movement was regular and majestic.

His march of life ended in May last. Death came in form the most acceptable. No lingering illness with its hours of suffering and painful anticipation of the end. He was with us performing his task during the day, the evening was spent in his library in converse with family and friends. The morning's sun rose and with it his spirit left the clay.

In his last memorial speech, ending his tenth year in congress, Senator Manderson illustrated his ability to weave into original forms, historical facts and existing incidents.

From a thrilling description of the battle of Stone River, where he and the deceased Senator Gibson of Louisiana led adverse forces, and the statement that they were also at Shiloh, he continued:

There is upon the presiding officer's desk (and my calling the attention of the senator from Louisiana to it was the occasion of my making these remarks here) a gavel presented to me a little over a year ago by the men who served with me in my regiment. It is made up of woods gathered from the fields of several of the battles in which my regiment was engaged. There is no battle mentioned on the woods of which that gavel is composed that Senator Gibson did not serve upon the one side and I upon the other.

But, sir, there has come from this long and fearful conflict, as I believe, nothing but mutual respect, and I believe that respect, aye, a warm and hearty admiration, not to say affection, unites now the men who fought upon the two sides of this great struggle. In saying this I desire to say nothing that shall detract from or minimize in the least the conviction I had then, and have now, that on this side, what I may call our side, the Union side, we were fighting for that which was everlastingly right; and I thank God, and I believe that every ex-Confederate soldier thanks the God of battles, that the result has been what it is-a Union saved and a Union preserved. If there are any not now satisfied with the result they are not to be found among those who fought on either side.

Senator Manderson signalized his entrance upon the duties of the 49th congress, January, 1886, by an elaborate discussion of a more efficient organization of the infantry branch of the army. He discarded the idea of danger to a republic from a larger and more efficient army and endorsed the language of General McClellan that the army as an institution "has never called the blush of shame to the face of an American," and of John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, that the fancied fear of danger "partakes more of timidity than wisdom."

Mr. President-Mr. Calhoun had limited experience bearing upon this subject, however, compared with those here to-day who saw the country pass safely through the dark days of the War of Rebellion and witnessed the vast contending hosts disappear so magically. And yet the veterans of both sides, Union and Confederate, what thorough

soldiers they had become! Many of them so youthful that
they knew no other calling but "the pride and pomp and
circumstance of glorious war;" the rest with civil pursuits
completely abandoned and their places in the busy marts of
the world filled by others; all inured to the field, with the
habits of the military life fixed upon them; full of love for
their old leaders,-for they had followed Grant, Sherman,
Lee and Johnson,-these men disappeared among the ranks
of civilians, losing their identity except as they were known
as the most liberty-loving of citizens.

He declared that "the same lamentably defenseless condition that exists to-day has usually existed and nothing but dread disaster and criminal sacrifice of blood and treasure have ever seemed to arouse us from our lethargy." He instanced the war of 1812, wherein "we suffered insult after insult to the flag, and ship after ship was searched upon the high seas, and that the blush of shame mantled the cheek of many a patriot of that day. The war came at last; but how bitter the recollection of Hull's surrender, the capture of the Capitol by a force of 3,500 men, and the burning of the public buildings. The only bright spot in the history was the victory at New Orleans, won after the terms of peace had been made."

He gave the amount of the standing army at the commencement of the Mexican war at 5,300 men. And could General Taylor have marched 10,000 men to the Rio Grande, he fancied that war might have been prevented; and had 15,000 regulars assembled on the field of the first Manassas the incipient flame of rebellion might possibly have been quenched.

Of the settlement of international disputes by peace congresses, hereafter, he said-"God speed the time when this shall be so, but it will not be in our day or generation."

Among the threatening dangers, worthy of present consideration, he instanced the "murderous Apache in ambush among the rocks, or sweeping from his mountain hiding place to murder the settler"—the restlessness of the Navajoes-tribes on the border of Kansas menacing-25,000 Sioux on the North Nebraska line vainglorious over the Custer massacre-25,000 armsbearing adults among the Mormons-riots in the large cities"seed planted by the socialists and nihilists in what they con

sider rich soil in this land of free speech"-possible complications with foreign nations-our position with reference to the Isthmian Canal, and the interest we have in $50,000,000 invested in Mexican railroads by our people: "These and others that will suggest themselves to you are the fertile causes that may at any time Cry havoc and let slip the dogs of war.'"

After arraying the opinions of Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, secretaries of war and presidents in behalf of his bill, and ventilating English, German and other European infantry methods, and explaining how regiments of twelve companies each would be more efficient in battle, in preserving life, and furnishing an immediate opportunity for promotions, he came to a conclusion with a delicate admonition:

Let us suppose that a frontiersman needs a rifle to protect himself from savage foes. We will say that for $15 he can get an old model, with defective mechanism, which at the critical moment may miss fire. For $16 he can get a rifle of approved pattern, true to its aim and sure to deal death to an assailant. To buy the former would be to save a dollar and risk destruction; but should the frontiersman make such a choice his mistaken economy would be characterized as the grossest stupidity.

Do not let us be so

I need not make the application.
stupid, but pursue the Course that has every military
authority worthy of consideration to support it and none
against it.

Later on in the session he is found in a spirited running debate with Dawes, of Massachusetts, Hale, of Maine, and Logan, of Illinois, on the subject of a 5,000 addition to the standing army in order to meet the necessity of the vastly increased expanse of settled territory in the great Northwest; and from long residence in the region and from personal contact with Indians in camp, council and hunting grounds, he became a very intelligent and formidable antagonist. But since he has been so fully represented in two masterly efforts involving army questions there seems no necessity for a further analysis of this, which closed with an anecdote at the expense of Senator Hale:

Mr. President-I proposed to show that the efficient commander of the Potomac differed somewhat from the senato.

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