throughout his realms, who, regarding all his fubjects as his children, watches over them with unwearied and impartial affection; who fcrupulously observes their rights and liberties; obeys the laws, and caufes others to obey them; rejects the baits of foreign as well as of domestic ambition; cherishes useful induftry, learning, and fcience; eradicates ancient prejudices; abolishes immoral customs; difcountenances corruption, luxury, and vice; and by public encouragement and private example inculcates the important leffon, that the welfare of a nation is to be fought, like that of an individual, in the cultivation of chriftian virtue. On the historian also refts the painful task of delineating the miseries of that kingdom, whofe Monarch ftudies to aggrandize himself by encroaching on popular freedom, by fomenting party divifions, by holding up rewards to venal fervility; who impoverishes his fubjects by his profufion; lavishes their wealth and their blood in unneceffary wars; connives at the injuftice of his ministers; fanctions the licentiousness of his court; and by the influence of personal irreligion faps the foundations of national morality.

The

The Monarch, who is truly anxious for the happiness of his people, will not fatisfy himfelf with perfonally exercifing his conftitutional authority with a view to that object. He will endeavour to give his fubjects every poffible degree of affurance that the advantages, which they have enjoyed under his administration, shall be continued to them when he fhall no longer fill the throne. Impreffed with this patriotic defire, he will regard the education of his family, not merely with the common feelings of a father; but with the anxieties infeparable from the recollection that it is a measure which may involve the welfare of millions. He knows with what commanding influence the conduct of persons allied to royalty affects all ranks of fociety. He knows not which, or how many, of his children may eventually wear the crown. He will engrave then on their bofoms the importance, the dangers, and the duties, of the ftation in which they are born, and of the office to which they may fucceed. He will train them in the ftudies, habits, and occupations which may moft incline and enable them to be extensively useful. He will affociate them with fuch friends

and

and companions as recommend to imitation purity of character by refpectful freedom and attractive ingenuousness of manners. He will guard them against the fervility of flatterers, and the busy artifices of the vicious. Above all things, he will imprint on their hearts the proofs and the precepts of christianity; and fix their thoughts and their folicitude on that impending day of enquiry and retribution, when all earthly distinctions shall be no more.

A King who in the discharge of his various functions shall thus labour to promote the happinefs of man and the glory of God, will enfure to himself, not only a brighter crown hereafter, but an extent of present power greater perhaps than a defpot ever knew, greater than a defpot ever enjoyed in security. And it is a power which he need not blush to poffefs; it is a lawful power; it springs not from tyrannical edicts; not from the submisfion of bribed or intimidated fenates; but from the eager approbation and unbounded love of his people.

CHAP.

CHAP. IV.

ON THE GENERAL DUTIES OF ENGLISHMEN AS SUBJECTS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS.

THE first duty of a subject as such is to fulfil the engagements into which he has entered with his country. The engagements, by which a fubject of this kingdom is bound, are ascertained by the laws of the land, and by those established ufages, which, although they are not expressly recorded in any Act of Parliament, are recognized as fair inferences from exifting Statutes, or have at least received from general consent the authority of pofitive Laws. These statutes and ufages define the measure of obedience due from him to the State; they declare the feveral inftances and degrees (a) in

(a) "Political or civil liberty, which is that of a mem"ber of fociety, is no other than natural liberty fo far re"strained, and no further, as is neceffary and expedient "for the general advantage of the public."-" Every "man, when he enters into fociety, gives up a part of his "natural liberty." Blackft. Com. vol. i. p. 125.

which his natural rights are reftrained; and describe the civil rights affigned to him in

return.

A detail of this immenfe and fluctuating mafs of particulars, however juftly it might be required in a work profeffedly defigned to convey legal knowledge, is not to be expected in a treatise which has moral inftruction for its object, and addreffes itfelf to readers of various descriptions. Yet there are fome points too important to be difmiffed without special obfervation. I fhall therefore in the first place endeavour to ftate with precifion the general obligation which the fubject owes to his governors; and fhall afterwards make fome remarks on those more indeterminate duties, in which greater latitude is afforded for the exercife of his own discretion.

I. The obedience of the subject is immediately due to the existing Government in confequence of its poffeffing the delegated authority of the State. It is not however an obedience without limit: it is not due in any cafe in which it would be a breach of duty to God;

and