almost ready to embrace? It is this very deadness of the moral sentiment, not only at the south, but also at the north, that is the greatest discouragement to the friends of the slave, and the strong hold of hope for the slave holder.

The violent opposition that the subject meets with from the people of the north is, in the estimation of many, a further objection to agitating the subject here. It verily seems to me a reason why we should agitate the subject, and shake off the oppression that would stop free discussion, and dam up the channels of intelligence. It is time that the right to free discussion were established beyond fear of mobs. It is time that people should be convinced that brute force cannot put down the truth, or shut its light from shining in upon the dark scenes of their guilt and shame. Every citizen should come forward to sustain the right to free discussion, which is threatened and assailed, even if he do not care anything for the subject discussed. It is time that force and the animal passions should give place to argument and conscience, upon the world-arena, where the great questions of right and duty are decided for society. Therefore it is that every thoughtful and reasonable man should favor the agitation of this question; at least so far as defending free discussion from the violence of mobs is concerned. Meanwhile this violence does not, after all, appear to the abolitionists as the most discouraging symptom that could be. It shows that we are deeply interested in slavery. It shows that we are doing wrong in upholding it, and that we are determined to do wrong so long as we can profit by it. It shows that we suffer from slavery, otherwise there would be no opposition to discussing the subject. But this very violence, like the sick man's pain, is a favorable symptom. It shows that there is life yet in him. We must expect that the patient will be worse while the medicine is operating than he appeared before he took it.

I will now state the principles of the abolitionists, and the measures by which they propose to accomplish their object-entire emancipation.

The fundamental principle of the abolitionists is, that slavery is a sin; it is contrary to humanity and justice, and therefore contrary to the laws of God. It is making slaves of God's freemen. It is therefore rebellion against his almighty sovereignty. Our slaves are children of the same heavenly Father with ourselves. We have taken them from the work God gave them to do, and put them to do ours, to bear our burden, that we may be idle and enjoy the luxuries that their labor can procure. We have robbed the slave of his divine patrimony; we have taken from him the portion of the good things of this life, which God gives to all his rational creatures, and given him, instead thereof, bonds, stripes and unrequited toil. We take, so far as we can, all the joy from his cup of life, and give him instead thereof, all the bitterness of ours. We spoil our brethren that we may enrich ourselves with their goods. Some of the abolitionists hold that the Africans are by nature equal to ourselves; and are now inferior only through the influence of education and circumstances. But it is not on that

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ground that they claim for the slave that freedom which God gave him, and we have robbed him of. They demand his freedom, not because he is our equal, but because he is a MAN-a being whom God made free, capable of knowing good from evil, and so a moral, responsible and immortal being, capable of progress in everything that is good and holy,—and because that by enslaving him we take away the means of that progress, and thereby prevent him from accomplishing the purpose of his being here on earth we defeat, so far as we can, God's plan in creating him.

This is the fundamental principle of the abolitionists, and from this all the rest is derived.

Their aim is the emancipation of the slaves, and they hold to immediate emancipation, not only because they believe it safe and expedient, and that it would be better for both master and slave ; but because it is RIGHT; it is a dictate of that moral sentiment, which to disobey is to disobey God. Believing in the perfection and entireness of the retributions of God, they feel assured that no evil so great can result from doing right, and when it is right, as must result from continuing to sin, and insult the Majesty of heaven by stealing his freemen and impressing them into our service. They tremble when they think of this high-handed rebellion against the King of heaven. They raise their voices and cry aloud lest the almighty Justice, whose retributions slumber not, sweep them and their fellow-countrymen with the besom of destruction.

The measures of the abolitionists are such as the nature of the case dictates. The slaves are held by law; therefore the abolitionists seek to produce such a change in public opinion, and elect such men to office, as will effect such a change in the laws by which slaves are now held, as that they shall be no longer held by law. Here is their chief measure; and so far as this measure is concerned, abolition is a political thing, and no farther. There is no design to advance the interests of one or another of the present political parties. In so far as emancipation is to be effected only by a modification of the laws to that effect, abolitionists must carry their principles to the ballot-box. This is one of their legitimate and necessary means of effecting their object. And we northerners, who have consented, and even helped to fasten the chains upon the slave, are in duty bound to help unloose his bands and let him go free.

Hence the great work the abolitionists have to do is to change public opinion upon the subject of slavery. This they seek to do by lectures, pamphlets, papers, societies, reports, and all the ordinary means used to effect the public mind. When this is done, and as fast as it is done, they will change the views and policy of legislative bodies, so that they will act upon the subject and enact such laws and adopt such measures as may be most conducive to the freedom of the lave.

Believing that congress has authority over slavery in the District of Columbia and the United States territories, and over the internal slavetrade, they aim to take every fair and lawful means to get abolitionists

into congress, and to use every fair and lawful means to influence them, and the body generally, after they get there.

Beyond the District of Columbia, and the territories, and the internal slave trade, they do not, I believe, generally claim any political right to act. Their only measure then is, to operate upon public opinion in the southern states, so far as they can, and thus bring them to do, themselves, what the northern abolitionists claim no political right to do.

It is one of the uniform principles of the abolitionists, to urge the slave to bear his slavery with patience and meekness until the day of his deliverance come. While they have no doubt that if the slaves should rise, and some one place himself at their head and gain their freedom by force of arms, he would thereby earn for his name a place beside our own immortal Washington's on the rolls of fame, still they discourage insurrection, and mostly because they believe with the Quakers, that a resort to physical force, even in self defence, is unjustifiable. It is sometimes said that the abolitionists seek to provoke the slaves to insurrection. Nothing is more false and calumnious. The abolitionists are mostly 'peace men,' as they are called, and regard war, even defensive war, as contrary to the command, resist not evil.' No; they seek the peaceful emancipation of the slaves, and that only.

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It is frequently said that the professed abolitionists carry things too far-that they are fanatical. But do not people perceive that this is in consequence of the opposition they meet with? If the river be obstructed it must rise till it can carry all before it. It is unavoidable that men who feel an undoubting confidence in the justice and righteousness of their cause, should be provoked to extremes by violent opposition. This is always the case. The people always think that the reformers of their age carry things to extremes. Yet it is almost always the case that future ages reverse this decision. The influence of opposition and persecution is irresistible; and while we have men, and not angels or gods, to preach up our reformations, they will be driven by these influences to do and say many things that they otherwise might not have said. The persecutions that the abolitionists have suffered for opinion's sake, are beyond what you would believe, if I should relate them to you. They will form one of the darkest and most disgraceful pages in our country's history. They have been cast out of society, insulted in the streets, slandered and maligned in public prints, denied all places of assembling for their meetings, had their meetings disturbed by mobs and the houses in which they were held burnt down; they have been whipped, tarred and feathered, dragged through the streets by mobs-they have had their dwellings forcibly entered, torn down and burnt with all their furniture before their eyes, and finally they have been murdered in the streets, and all this for doing what the law allows every man to do, and has engaged to defend him in doing it. The abolitionists have never provoked this lawless violence by first transgressing the laws themselves. No instance of this can be found.

When we consider that the abolitionists have persevered, in the face of all this opposition and lawless persecution, does it not prove to us that they are no hypocrites, no self-interested partizans, but are honest and in earnest? Does it not prove that they are moved by an irresistible spirit? Can we wonder that they have sometimes gone to extremes and

taken violent measures, when such extremes of violence have been used against them? But, be it remembered that the abolitionists did not resort to violent and uncharitable measures and epithets first; they did not resort to such things until they were driven to it. It is no part of their plan. Their plan was to enlighten the public mind concerning the great sin they were committing, and appeal to the consciences of men and set public opinion against slavery.

The most sharp-sighted southerners saw their aim. They complained that "the moral sentiment of the world has been armed against them." John C. Calhoun says, "Do they (the south) expect the abolitionists will resort to arms, will commence a crusade to liberate the slaves by force? * * * Let me tell our friends of the south who differ from us, that the war which the abolitionists wage against us is of a very different character and FAR MORE EFFECTIVE; it is waged, not against our lives, but our CHARACTERS. Governor Hamilton, in his report to the legislature of South Carolina asks, “Are we to wait until our enemies have built up * * a body of PUBLIC OPINION against us WHICH IT WOULD BE ALMOST

*

IMPOSSIBLE TO RESIST WITHOUT SEPARATING OURSELVES FROM THE SO

CIAL SYSTEM OF THE REST OF THE WORLD?" Duff Green, editor of the United States' Telegraph, printed at Washington, said in that paper, in November, 1835, "We are of those who believe the south has nothing to fear from servile war. We do not believe that the abolitionists intend, or could if they would, excite our slaves to insurrection. The danger of this is small. We believe that WE HAVE MOST TO FEAR FROM THE ORGANIZED ACTION UPON THE CONSCIENCES and fears of the slave-holders themselves, from the insinuations of their DANGEROUS HERESIES (!) into our schools, our PULPITS and our domestic circles. It is only by alarming the CONSCIENCES of the weak and diffusing among our people a morBID SENSIBILITY on the question of slavery, that the abolitionists can accomplish their object. Preparatory to this, they are laboring to saturate the non-slaveholding states with the belief that slavery is a sin against God. We must meet the question in all its bearings. We must satisfy the consciences, we must allay the fears of our people. We must satisfy them that SLAVERY IS OF ITSELF RIGHT; that IT IS NOT A SIN AGAINST GOD; that it is not an evil, moral or political." In another paper the same editor says, "We hold that our sole reliance is on ourselves; that we have most to fear from the gradual operation on public opinion among ourselves, and that those are the most insidious and dangerous invaders of our RIGHTS and interests, who, coming to us in the guise of friendship, endeavor to persuade us THAT SLAVERY IS A SIN, a curse, an evil. It is not true that the south sleep upon a volcano, that we are afraid to go to bed at night, that we are fearful of murder and pillage. OUR GREATEST CAUSE OF

APPREHENSION IS FROM THE OPERATION OF THE MORBID SENSIBILITY WHICH

APPEALS TO THE CONSCIENCES OF OUR PEOPLE, and would make them the voluntary instruments of their own ruin." What confessions are these! The south knowingly arrays itself in opposition and hostility to men who they acknowledge appeal to the consciences of men. The south, by their own confession, array themselves against the moral sentiment of the world; against the consciences of men, and against God! Oh! who does not tremble for them, and cry, God be merciful and spare them canst thou forgive them? they know what they do.

It is sometimes asked if the course the abolitionists are now taking, is the best, and is a going to effect any thing. I confess, not only that I can see no better course than the one they are taking, but that I can see no other possible course. There are many who object to this course, but I have never seen one who could point out a better, or even another, course. And making due allowances for the extravagances and improper things of all kinds that unavoidably accompany such movements against public opinion, I think there will be nothing in the course of the abolitionists that even the most fastidious can object to, unless he be really in favor of slave-holding, either for itself or its subserviency to some of his selfish aims.

The success and effects thus far, of the enterprize, have been what were foreseen. It is sometimes asked, What have they gained? Much; very much. Two hundred thousand complete abolitionists, and two or three times that number thawed and tamed down so as to be considered more than half converted. They have got the public ready to hear without mobbing them. They have gained access to meeting-houses, and other places of public meeting. They have, in fine, got things into successful operation at the north, the only spot that will receive the leaven that is to leaven the whole lump.

The effect upon the south has been what might have been expected. Slave-holding is founded upon the lower, animal nature-it receives no countenance from reason and conscience. That person who determines to hold a slave must be under the influence of his lower nature; hence when you oppose slavery you call forth all the fury and foam of the boisterous animal nature. When the slave-holders see that the abolitionists are by no means intimidated by their rage, but receive all as a matter of course, things that they had foreseen and provided for, they will think more seriously of the matter and change their position. Their animal nature is overcome by the undisturbed self-possession of the abolitionists, as the wild beast of the forest, or the scarcely less animal highwayman, is completely disarmed and overcome by the calm, self-possessed dignity of the higher moral nature. The south, seeing that the north are not to be scared by 'sound and fury, signifying nothing,' will take another course. When all else has failed, and the abolitionists are pressing upon them with constantly increasing numbers, the slave-holders will be obliged to discuss the subject upon moral grounds, and in the light of conscience. When they do that, slavery falls at once, and the object of the abolitionists, emancipation, is attained. They may disband their forces, and repose upon their laurels.

At present, the southerners do not, generally, understand and appreciate the motives of the abolitionists. They cannot see what we are going to gain by emancipation. They flatter, beseech, threaten, just according to the mood they happen to be in; or the mode they think will be most successful. They hear certain strange, fanatical things spoken of by the abolitionists, called justice, humanity, and conscience; but they cannot see why they should value these so much more highly than the advantages, conveniences and luxuries of unpaid, permanent, hereditary 'help'; who are, withal, so very submissive and obedient, as to seldom attempt to have a will or an opinion of their own.

X. I will tax your patience no farther at present than to notice a few