THE subject of parliamentary discussion, which, in this session, took full precedence of every other, was that afforded by the aspect of foreign Europe, where a war of vast magnitude, and of a character almost unprecedented, was about to be kindled. The armies of France, under the auspices of the Holy Alliance, were preparing to cross the Pyrenees, to subvert the constitution of Spain, and to re-establish the absolute sway of Ferdinand. This was an object, which excited to the highest pitch the sympathy and emotion of the British public. Not only was the issue calculated immediately, and, in itself, to touch their deepest and most generous feelings; but it appeared then pregnant with mightier events, and with a more general agitation of the European system, than actually ensued from it. The public mind was turned, with an interest peculiarly deep, to the disclosures and debates that were to take place in the British Parliament. They might now hope to trace the thread of the negociations, which had led to this unexpected and terrible result; they would see the course and system upon which the British ministry had acted. The debates which were to follow, drew the eyes, not only of this country, but of all Europe; for since the suppression of free dis

cussion on the continent, this Parlia ment formed the only tribunal, before which the masters of the world could be arraigned; and where the friends of liberty hoped to see those sentiments freely and boldly produced, which they themselves dared not to utter, even in secret.

The opposition party opened this subject with ardour and confidence, assured of finding, from British feelings and sympathies, an ardent support, which was withheld only by the remains of the most violent among the Anti-jacobin party. Their triumph, as a party, however, was much abated by the frank concurrence of ministers in the same views, and the same judgement; and the proofs which they were prepared to exhibit, that everything possible, as to remonstrance, had been done, to avert the dreaded issue. A few, indeed, were ready to maintain, that Britain ought to have threatened war, and to have made war; but as this was seconded neither by the voice of the nation, nor by the judgment of the more sober and considerate of the opposition members, it made little impression on the House. The ground of conflict was, therefore, reduced to some strictures, either somewhat vague, or somewhat minute, upon the manner in which the negotiations had been

conducted, and upon the tone, which, if assumed, would, it was alleged, have averted war, without either of the above serious alternatives.

In the debates upon the address, the opponents of ministry had, as we observed, with great discretion agreed to waive inquiry, while discussion was still pending, and hopes of a desirable issue entertained. They could not, however, conceal the restlessness and dissatisfaction felt by them under this reluctant forbearance. On the 17th of February, the Marquis of Lansdowne put a question relative to the Austrian loan, which had been announced last Session as in a train of arrangement. It would, he said, at all events, be some satisfaction for the British public to know, that the amount was not likely to be employed on the continent in prosecuting designs now most unwisely and unworthily conducting, and upon the policy of which the sense of the people of this country had been most decidedly and unequivocally expressed. Lord Ellenborough followed up these remarks by observing, that the present was not the period to say whether this or any other pecuniary advance had, or had not, been the means of enabling Europe to rescue itself from the greatest and most detestable tyranny with which nations had ever struggled; but this be felt, and this the country felt, that the advance, whether right or wrong, whether lavishly or not lavishly expended, was very likely, in the way in which matters stood, to incapacitate this country from interfering as she ought, and was bound to interfere, in assisting to save Europe from a tyranny more detestable than any to which she had been previously exposed -a tyranny far more galling and grievous; for, whatever was the character of the former sufferings of the continent, there was something approaching to consolation (if such things were susceptible of any) in the mode of their infliction-there was at least some

greatness of character in the genius and gigantic resources which imposed that tyranny; but what was the condition of Europe at present? Nations were exposed to the subjection of those whom they despised-they were consigned to the interference and control of those whose tyranny must on that account be infinitely more galling and detestable, than that with which at other periods it had been their lot to struggle.-Lord Liverpool, without entering into these collateral reflections, merely pointed out the glorious results which had arisen from the application of this loan, and the concomitant exertions made by this country; and he then assured the Noble Marquis, that from the time of the peace to the present, his Majesty's government had evinced the utmost desire to urge upon the Court of Vienna the necessity of entering into an arrangement for the repayment of what he concurred with the Noble Marquis in calling a just debt-an arrangement which was not only due to the fair claim of this country, but also to the Court of Vienna itself. He was happy to say, that the principle of the claim had been recognized by the Austrian government, and also the principle of the arrangement for its liquidation; and in a short time he hoped he should have it in his power to state the parti-cular nature of that arrangement, for the completion of which he had very sanguine hopes.

As time passed on, and every appearance of an amicable issue became more and more faint, the Marquis of Lansdowne determined upon taking another step. On the 25th February, he stated his anxiety to put a question, "whether that hope, whatever may have been its value, which was stated to be entertained by the King's ministers on the first day of the session, that the peace of Western Europe might still be preserved, still continues to exist in the same degree; and if, according to

unfortunate appearances, from which alone individuals can form an opinion,) it does not continue to exist in the same degree, in what degree it does continue to exist; and whether any expectation at all is still entertained by government that a conflict can be avoided, respecting the character of which but one opinion prevails from one end of the kingdom to the other? Upon the answer the Noble Earl may return to this House, will depend what farther questions I may think it necessary to submit, or whether it will be requisite for me to trouble him at all farther."-Lord Liverpool,referring to his former declaration, and anxiety to avoid discussion, now said," I must still deprecate any premature inquiry as to whether matters have or have not yet come to that pass, which makes the preservation of peace absolutely impossible. But I am farther enabled to state on the present occasion, (in addition to those general considerations, and to that general feeling, which I think ought to operate upon the minds of members of the House,) that other especial and peculiar circumstances have occurred since that period, some very recently, which would make me still more strenuously oppose any discussion of the existing relations between France and Spain. I can also mention what will be an additional inducement to silence-that the forbearance Parliament has already shewn as to the discussion of this great and interesting topic, has afforded very material advantage to the British ministry, in the negotiations that have taken place with foreign powers."-Lord Lansdowne expressed general acquiescence in this reply; but at the same time put now another question, "whether, in the course of the negotiations which have preceded recent events between France and Spain, any condition or any understanding has been entered into by Great Britain obligatory upon her with respect to any part she

may take, or any part she may be compelled to abstain from taking, in the approaching conflict, if, unhappily, the threats of France should be carried into execution ?"-Lord Liverpool stated the impossibility, without too extensive disclosures, of returning a distinct and complete answer to the question; but added," I have no difficulty in saying thus much-that this country has entered into no obligation whatever, (nor would the King's government have thought themselves justified in doing so,) to preclude it from following the course of its discretion at any moment, and according to the circumstances, that may affect or threaten its honour, interests, and character," Lord Ellenborough, also acquiescing, added, however," I cannot, and never have been able, since the speech of the King of France, to entertain any notion that the present differences with Spain will be terminated amicably. I deem it likewise right to say, that I must ever think, that in negotiating without the assistance of Parliament, (which the Noble Earl praises as the forbearance of the House,) and without the expressions of the feelings of Parliament, the Noble Earl and his colleagues are committing an error in judgment. Having said thus much, it cannot hereafter be supposed that I have silently acquiesced."

On the same evening Sir Robert Wilson, on occasion of a petition from part of his constituents, brought before the House the question of the Foreign Enlistment Bill, or that by which British subjects were prohibited from entering into the service of any foreign power. This act, passed at the solicitation of Spain, with a view to prevent her revolted colonies from deriving military aid from Britain, was now to operate against Spain herself, which might otherwise hope to see bands of ardent volunteers enlist in her cause. Sir Robert said,—When the bill for preventing the enlistment

of English officers into the service of foreign powers had been proposed, it was acknowledged to be a proceeding altogether new, and it was felt, almost universally, to be a violation of the principles and usages of our own and every other European state.-Mr Hobhouse also urged; When the Foreign Enlistment Bill had been proposed to the House by the late Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs, he stated that it was at the express instigation of Old Spain. What reason could be more powerful in favour of its repeal, then, than the interests of that same Old Spain?—what more just, than to listen again to the representations of that power, at whose request this measure had been adopted? On a deeply im. portant question connected with the subject, Mr Hobhouse said,-It was with fear and trembling that he suffered the opinion to escape his lips, that the war was inevitable. He knew there was nothing more easy than to get into a war, but the difficulty of coming out of it with honour, and without committing the interests of the country, was too formidable not to be seriously considered. He would not say one word that might seem to urge so perilous a measure; but he was sure that if ministers did go into it, they would be heartily backed by the whole people. It could never be forgotten that we had beaten France and Frenchmen before, on the same ground and for the same cause.-Mr Canning rose for the purpose of repressing any farther incidental discussion of this nature. He concluded by saying, that in pursuing that policy for which the honourable gentleman had given them credit, his Majesty's ministers had been aided by the forbearance he would not say the unexpected forbearance of the House.

Another sally was made by Mr Brougham on occasion of the speech of M. de Chateaubriand, on the 25th, in the Chamber of Deputies, which

seemed to portend certain and immediate war. The object of Mr B. was to put a single question; but he prefaced it by a rapid sketch of the noble peer, not in a tone exactly suited, perhaps, to the gravity of the place and occasion. One who was already well known as a writer of romantic books, and who had been lately, by some strange chance, made a minister-one who had signalized himself by a bom. bastical work on the genius of Christianity, had immediately afterwards become a devout worshipper of Buonaparte; had afterwards transferred his adorations to the Bourbons, but not before he had carried his piety so far as to compare the young King of Rome, Napoleon II. (with no great reverence) to our Saviour Jesus Christ. Eloquence had sometimes been a pernicious enemy to freedom, and fine writing was not unfrequently able to recommend hurtful sophisms; yet he felt no great fears on the part of Spain that her liberties would fall before eloquence and fine writing of the quality of M. de Chateaubriand's. The speech to which he alluded contained two statements respecting the policy of England; the first would have it appear that England had on one occasion approved of the principle of aggression on the part of France; the second, and that to which he wished particularly to call the attention of the right honourable gentleman, was a passage in a note of the Duke of Wellington to the Congress at Vienna, in which he expressed the opinion of this government that the measures of precaution adopted on the Spanish frontier were not objectionable. The following was the passage: "In considering that a civil war is kindled along the whole extent of the frontiers which separate the two kingdoms, that active armies operate on all the points of this frontier on the side of France, and that there is not a town or a village placed on the frontier, on the side of France,

which is not in danger of being insulted or disturbed; no one could disapprove of the precaution taken by his most Christian Majesty in forming a corps of observation for the protection of his frontiers and the tranquillity of his people."-Mr Canning stated, in reply, that the passages in question had been torn from a very long note, in which the sense of them was greatly qualified. Every gentleman accustomed to speak or write must know, that a case is sometimes admitted for the sake of contrasting or contradicting it with another. Mr Brougham fully admitted the possibility of this, but asked whether to prevent such garbled statements, it might not be desirable to present the papers themselves.-Mr Canning said: "it would be acting disingenuously by the honourable and learned gentleman and the House, not to confess that the hopes heretofore entertained by his Majesty's government of preserving peace are materially diminished, but they are not destroy ed. So long as a hope remains I certainly am of opinion, (I offer it only as an opinion,) that it is inexpedient to bring this question into discussion." Mr Brougham considered the explanation so candid and satisfactory, that he should feel his discretion bound up for the present.

As war became daily more and more certain, and its approach apparently likely to be immediate, Lord John Russell, on the 25th March, put the question, whether there was any stipulation in any treaty to which this country was a party, by which it was bound, either directly or indirectly, to guarantee the crown of France to Louis XVIII. or any of his successors of the Bourbon family?-Mr Canning complained of the difficulty of answering at once a question requiring the examination of successive treaties which were on the table of the House, where they had been laid in 1814. Among those treaties, he believed, there was one

which contained a stipulation, that in case any attempt to seize the crown of France were made by its late usurper or any of his family, the allied powers were to put themselves into action to resist with all their united forces. He likewise believed, that in case of a revolution arising in France from any other cause, and being directed by any other persons, a stipulation in another of the treaties made it incumbent upon the allies, or at least upon Prussia, Russia, Austria, and England, which were bound by separate treaties with each other, to meet together and to consult in common what measures it might be prudent for them to take in consequence. Mr Canning having examined next day, found occasion to confirm the correctness of the statement thus extemporaneously made.

On the following day, Mr Canning having moved the Easter adjournment of a fortnight, Lord Archibald Hamilton brought forward a motion, that it should be limited till Monday next. He thought the peculiar circumstances of the session, the peculiar circumstances in which the House had been placed, and the peculiar situation in which Europe at present stood, all authorized him to suggest to the House that the protracted adjournment which had been moved was not only unusual but unwise. He was, he must acknow ledge, surprised that after the suspense in which Parliament and the country had been so long kept, with respect to the conduct of the English government in regard to the differences between the French government and Spain, and after the forbearance which Parliament had exercised towards mi nisters-a forbearance which, he might say, was unparalleled in the annals of Parliament-the right honourable Se.. cretary for Foreign Affairs had decla red last night, that it was not his intention to put the House in possession of the papers which were to explain what had been the policy of the go