only reduction proposed by the committee, was the cutting off this proposed addition of four millions and a half, and allowing only the same sum as last year. It appears, however, to have been a mere empty show of economy, to reduce the peace establishment of the army and navy in a year of war. The extraordinary war expenditure being left vague, it was easy for ministers to throw upon it whatever was retrenched from the other side of the account.

Against this budget there appeared no member on the liberal side; but La Bourdonnaye, the head of the royalist opposition, treated it with the most utter derision. "A budget," said he, "presented in time of war, which does not provide the expenses necessary in time of peace, in which the committee recommends a reduction of eight millions upon the military and naval establishment, which it is so far from considering possible, that it dare not even specify the heads upon which it is to fall, is a mere fiction, unworthy of any serious notice. It can be presented in no other view than to blind the eyes of the public, and cover the errors and extravagance of the administration." The object was to conceal the deficit which would necessarily result from the present condition of the finances, even in a state of peace, much more when everything was on a war establishment; and which, even supposing it to terminate in 1823, must leave much in 1824 to be supplied and repaired. The other charges of M. de la Bourdonnaye against ministers were very void of foundation; that they were not hearty in the cause of war with Spain, and were ready even to make peace, without restoring Ferdinand to the full plenitude of power; that they allowed too great liberty to the press; that they did not make a sufficiently strict inquisition into the proceedings of secret societies; and

that they had not fulfilled their pledge of placing the constitution on a more monarchical basis than when they came into office.

M. Villele, in reply, contended, "That the term fiction applied to the budget was altogether injurious. It was never held out as providing for the expense of the war; it was merely adapted to the ordinary or peace establishment, while the extraordinary expenses, the necessity of which had been fully foreseen, were to be provi ded for by loans; the mode which least deranged the industry and prosperity of the country. For this purpose, the credit of 100 millions had been voted; and there was no expense, ordinary or extraordinary, which had not been foreseen and provided for. There was at this moment in the treasury 16 millions (750,000l.) applicable to the expenses of the war."

The debates on the financial project continued for nearly a month, and gave rise to some very sharp discussions, particularly from M. Delalot, on the side of the royalist opposition. On the 23d of April, however, it was finally carried, with almost complete unanimity.

The only other important law was, that calling out before their time the conscripts of 1824. On this occasion, a singular scene took place. M. Laisne de Villeveque, amid this furiously royalist chamber, stood up alone, and amid continued and almost frantic interruption, denounced the war, and the whole system and principle on which it was conducted. The gold and the blood of Frenchmen were to flow in torrents in a ruinous contest, of which it was impossible to discover the termination. The flower of the youth were called to be cut down before their time; not so much for the purpose of stifling in Spain the torches of anarchy, as of restoring to it the amenities of the Inquisition, and the sweets of absolute

power. The most imperious of laws, the safety of the country, obliged him to break silence, and to give utterance to the severe voice of truth: might it reach the foot of the throne, whence it was so often repelled by odious intrigue, and the blind spirit of party! "Since you admit," said he, "the terrible right of intervention, make at least a generous use of it; rivet not the chains of the Spanish people; deliver them not into the power of perfidious counsellors, who have dragged the unfortunate monarch into the abyss; suffer not that they should re-establish the usurping despotism, the gloomy policy, the sanguinary fanaticism of Philip II., nor the bloody executions of the Duke of Alva.” He then asked, "What precaution had been taken against the chances of reverse? Would they invoke the aid of the phalanxes of the north? Woe, woe, to the nations who trust to the foreigner! Ah! the bloody ruins of Poland, the fragments of Denmark, and of Saxony, Genoa, Venice, Salsburg, Mentz, Cologne, so many states plunged into the insatiable gulf of convenience and usurpation, no less than the odious treaties of Pilnitz and Paris, have taught us to know the fidelity, the despotism of certain European cabinets."

Although the speaker found means to deliver this discourse in interrupted fragments, no applause ensued; and after a short debate, the measure was carried with only nine dissentient voices against 265.

After the dissolution of the chambers, the history of France was diversified by no important events, except those connected with the Spanish campaign. In August, an amount of 23,000,000 francs of rentes were put up to sale, and were taken by the house of Rothschild, at the high rate

of 89 p. 55 c., producing about 414 millions of francs. This operation was not destined, however, we believe, to defray current expenses, but to fund the large amount of floating debt, which arose out of former embarrass

ments.

In October, the final success of the Spanish campaign was announced. It was celebrated by the court and the royalist party with almost unbounded rejoicings; and, we fear, in the eyes of a vain and giddy people, powerfully strengthened the influence of an administration, which, from the weakness of its enemy, had gained so unworthy a triumph. Of this disposition, the ministry ought to avail themselves, in order to introduce a new feature in the constitution, and to obtain a more permanent hold of the legislative body. On the 26th of December, the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved, under the full understanding, that when the new body should have been elected it would receive a proposition, by which the Deputies, instead of sitting for five years, and being renewed annually by one-fifth, should be elected for seven years, and remain during that time unaltered, in the same manner as in the British House of Commons. Some alterations were also expected in the laws regarding the rights of primogeniture. We reserve any observations on the tendency of these laws till the following year, when they will have been brought under full discussion. We shall not probably object so much to the regulations themselves, as to the system of thus continually shaking the basis on which the constitution rests, and preventing it from ever acquiring that august and stable character, which uninterrupted continuance for a length of time alone can bestow.

VOL. XVI. PART I.

Y

ALTHOUGH Germany, during this year, was entirely exempt from open disturbance, she did not altogether escape some internal agitation.

Austria still strained her efforts to restore and uphold the revived authority of the Diet. In her present position, she held herself pretty well assured of being able to carry any measures which did not very deeply intrench on the interests and independence of the other members. Through this body she sought to carry into effect those measures on which her counsels were now wholly intent; the suppression of the liberty of the press throughout Germany; the prosecution of all engaged in secret societies, or in plans hostile to any established government; and most of all, the placing under the most strict surveillance the studious youth, who attended the different universities of Germany.

The first object to which Austria called the attention of the Diet was, by submitting to its admiration the celebrated Verona circular, in which the high monarchs had laid down the principles upon which they were to

maintain in Europe the system of order and legitimacy. It was accompanied with notes from Russia and Prussia, fully anticipating the approbation which would be bestowed on the conservative principles contained in this circular. "All Europe," it was said, "must at last acknowledge, that the path followed by the monarchs is equally in harmony with the independence and the strength of governments, and with the well-understood interests of nations.”

These pieces being read, the Count de Carlowitz, then officiating as president, proposed that the assembly should vote thanks to the courts of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, for these diplomatic communications which they had been so good as to make; and at the same time express the grateful adhesion of the confederation to the views and measures by which these powers attempted to maintain order and tranquillity in Europe.

This motion was generally assented to by the states composing the Diet. Bavaria gave her concurrence in an indirect manner, and with a good deal of

circumlocution. Hanover adhered to her opinion, with reference also to its confidential communication, delivered loco dictaturæ. One minister, however, stood decidedly separate from the rest. Wirtemberg had always been foremost among the courts professing liberal principles in Germany. Already, too, when this circular had been communicated to her as a separate court, she had returned a note, polite and complimentary in its general tenor, but still complaining that powers of the second order should receive in this summary manner the issue of deliberations in which they were concerned, but to which they were not admitted. In a similar spirit, the following answer was returned by her minister at the Diet:-"The legation finds itself authorized to adhere entirely to the preceding proposition and votes, in so far as they tend to express, in a suita ble manner, and in the legal forms, the lively gratitude of the most serene German confederation for the important communications which have been made to it; and to join to this expres sion the assurance, that they render to the monarchs of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, the perfect justice which is incontestably due to them for their upright and pure intentions of placing in a complete harmony, under the agis of treaties, the independence and strength of governments, with the wellunderstood interests of subjects, and to secure to them the permanence of order and tranquillity. But in so far as these votes and these propositions appear to suppose, in some measure, a deliberate examination of the contents of the deeds communicated, the royal legation cannot believe itself authorized, without particular instructions, to manifest any opinion in this respect."

Electoral and Grand Ducal Hesse adhered to the opinion of Wirtemberg. The president, therefore, pro

posed to adjourn the resolution till these three ministers could receive instructions from their respective courts, which it was hoped would be in the shortest possible interval.

On the 20th of February, the minister of Wirtemberg delivered in a declaration. It began with many complimentary premises; after which, it proceeded" But the legation ought, according to the conviction of its court, to limit the replies to be made by the Diet, to communicating the results of a discussion, the detailed knowledge of which is yet wanting; the more so, that on one side, the majority has not adopted the contents of these communications, in the view of an answer to be made thereupon, in the name of the confederation; and that, on the other side, its attitude towards all foreign powers, founded on the objects of the confederation, seems to make it a duty to the Diet, in the circumstances mentioned, to remain at the point of view announced." We do not pretend very clearly to follow the scope of this passage, farther than that Wirtemberg excused herself from voting in the manner desired. Accordingly, when, on the 24th, the Diet passed a vote of thanks to the three monarchs, in the forms calculated to be agreeable to them, Wirtemberg declined being any party to it.

This contumacy on the part of a power scarcely judged entitled to act a part of its own, drew upon it the very decided indignation of the great powers. It was also complained, that undue latitude was in this state allowed to the press, and that no sufficient activity was exerted in detecting the operations of secret societies.

In consequence of these grounds of discontent, the high powers, in sign of displeasure, withdrew their residents from Wirtemberg; a measure which, though they did not proceed any farther, placed them during the rest of