naturally regarded the office of bishop as an instrument of papal tyranny: and the form of worship, which their leaders had devised, was removed as far as possible from any resemblance to the Offices which had been used by the Church. In this country, however, they met with full toleration; homes, and employment, and churches were provided for them; John Laski (à Lasco), and Pullain (Pollanus) were recognized as superintendents over the congregations of Dutch and Germans, Italians, and French, in London, and Walloons at Glastonbury and they were allowed to conduct their worship after their own fashion; although Ridley, and other bishops, felt that such diversity would tend to disturb the settlement of the English ritual.

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Owing to these various causes, the first Prayer Book of Edward VI. was no sooner published, than further alterations were mooted. Towards the close of 1550, when the Convocation met as usual with the Parliament, mention was made of doubts which had arisen respecting certain portions of the book; namely, what holy-days should still be observed; the dress and posture of the minister in the Public Service; the entire Office of the Holy Communion, and especially the form of words used at the delivery of the consecrated elements to the com-. municants. A committee of divines, with Cranmer at their head, was appointed by the King, who had determined on many changes: and the two learned foreigners, Bucer and Martyr, the King's Professors of Divinity at Cambridge and Oxford, were asked to state their opinions. It was not suggested that the first Prayer-Book contained anything 'but what was agreeable to the Word of God and the primitive Church.' The second Act of Uniformity declared that the doubts which had been raised 'proceeded rather from the curiosity of the minister and mistakers, than from any other worthy

cause:' and the alterations, important as they were, were said to be adopted only for the sake of rendering the book 'fully perfect in all such places in which it was necessary to be made more earnest and fit for the stirring up of all Christian people to the true honouring of Almighty God.'

The chief alterations introduced in 1552 were:-in the Daily Prayer, the introductory sentences, Exhortation, Confession, and Absolution, were placed at the beginning of the Service; the Apostles' Creed was directed to be said, as we now have it; and the Athanasian Creed, upon thirteen Festivals and Saints' days, as in our present rubric. Morning and Evening Prayer ended at the third Collect. The Litany was appointed to be used upon Sundays, Wednesdays and Fridays.

In the Communion Office the Decalogue and Responses were added; the Introit, the name of the Virgin Mary, the thanksgiving for the Patriarchs and Prophets, the sign of the cross and the invocation of the Word and the Holy Ghost at the consecration of the elements, and the mixture of water with the wine, were omitted: at the delivery of the elements 'to the people in their hands,' the second clause of our present form was ordered instead of the first,-'Take and eat this, &c.,' 'Drink this, &c.;' whereby direct mention of taking the body and blood of Christ was avoided: the long prayer of consecration, beginning with the Prayer for the Universal Church, and ending with the Lord's Prayer, which had been formed on the most ancient model, was changed into the Prayer for the Church Militant, the Prayer of Consecration, and the first form of Prayer after Communion.

In Baptism the exorcism, the anointing, the putting on the chrisom, and the manner of baptizing by dipping the child three times, were omitted; the water in the

font was to be renewed and consecrated whenever the Service was used.

In the Visitation of the Sick, the allusion to Tobias and Sarah, the anointing, and the direction for private confessions, and reserving portions of the elements from the open Communion in the church for the sick person, were omitted. In the Burial Service the prayers for the dead, and the Office of the Holy Communion, were omitted.

The rubric concerning Vestments ordered that neither alb, vestment, nor cope should be used; a bishop should wear a rochet, a priest or deacon only a surplice.

The great doctrinal alteration referred to the presence of Christ in the consecrated elements of the Eucharist. In the book of 1549, the Communion Service had been so constructed as to be consistent with the belief of a real, and perhaps of a substantial and corporal presence. But the alterations in 1552 were such as to authorize and foster the belief that the consecrated elements had no new virtues imparted to them, and that Christ was present in the Eucharist in no other manner than as He is ever present to the prayers of the faithful. The pale of Church-communion was thus enlarged for the more earnest reformers, but closed against the slightest leaning to mediæval doctrine. The opinions of the more zealous Protestant party were daily gaining ground; and they succeeded so far as to introduce a clause, involving still further condemnation of the views opposed by them, before the books were published. The Act of Uniformity was passed, April 6; but the revised book was not to come into use until the Feast of All Saints (Nov. 1). In September the issue was suspended, until certain faults were corrected: and almost at the last moment before the Book was to be used, a declaration was ordered to be added to the Communion Office, in

explanation of the rubric which requires communicants to kneel at receiving the consecrated elements,—'that it is not meant thereby, that any adoration is done, or ought to be done, either unto the sacramental bread or wine there bodily received, or to any real and essential presence there being of Christ's natural flesh and blood.'

This second Prayer-Book of Edward VI. can hardly be said to have been used: the death of the young king (July 6, 1553), and the accession of Mary put an end to the reformed Service. The Parliament rescinded its Act of Uniformity: and the Office books of the Use of Sarum were reprinted, in a great many editions. Those who held reformed opinions were obliged to flee out of the country: those who could not so escape were in danger of death in its most dreadful form. In this short reign, of little more than five years, two hundred and eighty-eight persons were burned alive, for the sake of religion: among these were the bishops Hooper, Farrar, Ridley and Latimer, and Archbishop Cranmer. The fugitives from persecution found refuge in Switzerland and at Frankfort. In that town the magistrates assigned a church for the use of the French Protestant Congregation and when a company of English exiles settled there, they were allowed to use the same church on alternate days in the week, and at différent times on the Sunday. This permission was, however, burdened with a stipulation that the English Service was to be brought somewhat into agreement with the French Order. Probably this was done, not only from the prevalent ignorance of toleration, but at the desire of somet among the English exiles themselves, who preferred the French, or Calvin's, form of Service to their own. An account of the disputes among the refugees was afterwards published under the title,—‘A Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort.' John Knox was invited

to act as their minister; Calvin was regarded as the leading spirit of the reformation; and a scurrilous description of the English Service-Book was sent to him, in order to call forth a formal expression of his disapproval of it. The 'Troubles begun at Frankfort' furnish a very painful story in themselves; and the more painful to a churchman, because it is only the first of a series of expressions of dislike to ritual observances, to primitive institutions, and Apostolic order, which unhappily mingle largely with the future history of the Book of Common Prayer.