Therefore I am ready to grant two points to the author of the Crifs: first, that the union became neceffary for the cause above related; because it prevented this ifland from being governed by two kings; which England would never have fuffered; and it might probably have coft us a war of a year or two to reduce the Scots. Secondly, that it would be dangerous to break this union, at leaft in this juncture, while there is a pretender abroad, who might probably lay hold of fuch an opportunity. And this made me wonder a little at the spirit of faction laft fummer among fome people, who, having been the great promoters of the union, and feveral of them the principal gainers by it*, could yet proceed fo far as to propose in ne houfe of lords, that it fhould be diffolved; while at the fame time those peers, who had ever opposed it in the beginning,

The duke of Argyle, who zealously promoted the union, the earl of Mar, Mr.Lockhart, and Mr.Cockburn, having been deputed on purpofe, remonftrated to the queen against the malt tax, which they faid would probably prompt the Scots to declare the union dif

folved. The earl of Finlater foon after moved the house of lords for leave to bring in a bill for diffolving the union; he was feconded by the earl of Mar, and fupported by lord Eglinton, earl of Hay, the duke of Argyle, and others.

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were then for preferving it, upon the reafon I have juft affigned, and which the author of the Crifis hath likewise taken notice of..

But when he tells us, the Englishmen ought, in generofity, to be more particularly careful in preferving this union, he argues like himself. The late kingdom of Scotland (faith he) had as numerous a nobility as England, etc. They had indeed; and to that we owe one of the great and neceffary evils of the union upon the foot it now ftands. Their nobility is indeed fo numerous, that the whole revenues of their country would be hardly able to maintain them according to the dignity of their titles; and what is infinitely worfe, they are never likely to be extinct until the last period of all things; because the greateft part of them defcend to heirs general. I imagine a person of quality prevailed on to marry a woman much his inferior, and without a groat to her fortune, and her friends arguing fhe was as good as her husband, becaufe fhe brought him as numerous a family of relations and fervants as fhe found in his

houfe.

houfe. Scotland, in the taxes, is obliged to contribute one penny for every forty pence laid upon England; and the reprefentatives they fent to parliament are about a thirteenth. Every other Scotch peer hath all the privileges of an English one, except that of fitting in parliament, and even precedence before all of the fame title that fhall be created for the time to come. The penfions and employments poffeffed by the natives of that country now among us do amount to more than the whole body of their nobility ever spent at home; and all the money they raise upon the publick is hardly fufficient to defray their civil and military lifts. I could point out fome with great titles, who affected to appear very vigorous for diffolving the union, although their whole revenues before that period would have ill maintained a Welsh justice of the peace; and have fince gathered more money than ever any Scotchman, who had not travelled, could form an idea of.

I have only one thing more to fay upon occafion of the union act; which is, that the author of the Crifis may be fairly proved,

proved, from his own citations, to be guilty of HIGH TREASON. In a paper of his called the Englishman, of October 29, there is an advertisement about taking in fubfcriptions for printing the Crifis, where the title is published at length with the following clause, which the author thought fit to drop in the publication; [and that no power on earth can bar, alter, or make void the prefent fettlement of the crown, etc. By Richard Steele.] In his extract of an act of parliament made fince the union, it appears to be high treason for any perfon by writing or printing to maintain and affirm, that the kings or queens of this realm, with and by the authority of parliament, are not able to make laws and Statutes of fufficient force and validity to limit and bind the crown, and the defcent, limitation, inheritance, and government thereof. This act being fubfequent to the fettlement of the crown confirmed at the union, it is probable fome friend of the author advised him to leave out those treasonable words in the printed title-page, which he had before published in the advertisement; and accordingly we find, that

in

in the treatise itself he only offers it to every good fubject's confideration, whether this article of the fettlement of the crown is not as firm as the union itself, and as the fettlement of epifcopacy in England, etc. And he thinks the Scots understood it fo, that the fucceffion to the crown was never to be controverted.

These I take to be only treasonable infinuations; but the advertisement before mentioned is actually high treafon; for which the author ought to be profecuted, if that would avail any thing under a jurisdiction, where curfing the QUEEN is not above the penalty of twenty marks.

Nothing is more notorious than that the whigs of late years, both in their writings and difcourfes, have affected upon all occafions to allow the legitimacy of the pretender. This makes me a little wonder to see our author labouring to prove the contrary, by producing all the popular chat of thofe times, and other folid arguments from Fuller's narrative: but it muft be fuppofed, that this gentleman acts by the commands of his fuperiors, who have thought fit at this juncture to iffue out

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