But, thirdly, Suppose our laws were valid, as enacted by competent authority, and such good and wholesome provisions, as were those statutes made by our Popish ancestors, in those statutes of provisoes in Edward the First's and Edward the Third's time; and that of premunire in Richard the Second's and Henry the Fourth's, for relief against papal incroachments and oppressions; yet being against the laws and canons of Holy Church, the sovereign authority, they will be all superseded; for so they determine, That when the canon and the civil laws 'clash, one requiring. what the other allows not, the church law must ' have the observance, and that of the state neglected; and constitutions,' say they, made against the canons and decrees of the Roman bishops, ' are of no moment; their best authors are positive in it. And our own experience and histories testify the truth thereof; for how were those good laws before-mentioned defeated by the Pope's authority, so that there was no effectual execution thereof till Henry the Eighth's time, as Dr. Burnet tells us? And how have the good laws, to suppress and prevent Popery, been very much obstructed in their execution by popish influence*. THE PRESENT CASE OF ENGLAND, AND THE PROTESTANT INTEREST. SINCE the present condition of the kingdomt, and the whole protestant interest by the conjunction of France and Spain abroad, and a more horrid combination of several at home, must needs affect with the most melancholy reflexions all true English hearts, all such as have any real love or zeal for their religion, or their native country; I cannot think it amiss to present a short and impartial view to such as have not considered the same. In the beginning of the last age, the Protestant interest in Europe, was more than a match for the Roman Catholick; the kingdom of Bohemia was almost all Protestant; near half the subjects of Hungaria, of Austria, and Moravia, were Protestant, and did many times defend themselves by force against the emperor himself, when oppressed by him for the sake of their religion. That, in Germany, the houses of Newburgh were Protestant, the Palatinates, for the most part of them, Prostestant of the strictest sort; the Saxons entirely Protestant, and, being hearty, unanimous, and seated * In the reign of King Charles II. who was too often influenced by his Popish Brother. Or Sixteenth. In the year 1690, in the midst of Germany, were a bulwark and defence to the Protestants of many other lesser states, as often as they were oppressed for their religion, by their own or their neighbouring princes; that many of the subjects of Bavaria, Bamburgh, Cologn, Wurtzburgh, and Worms, were Protestants. Besides these, that the Protestants of France were so powerful as to maintain eight or nine civil wars in defence of their religion, and always came off with advantage. The Vaudois in Italy were all of them Protestant, and great numbers of the inhabitants of the Spanish Low Countries were of the reformed religion. Besides, England and Holland, and the northern kingdoms of Denmark and Sweden, and the dutchy of Brandenburgh, were intirely Protestant. But now, instead of this, Is not the Protestant power destroyed almost over Europe? The whole kingdom of Bohemia intirely Popish? Are not the Protestants of Poland, Austria, Moravia, utterly destroyed? Is not their destruction now carrying on, and almost finished in Hungary? In Germany the Newburghers of Protestants are become fierce enemies of the Protestant religion. The Protestants of Bavaria, Bamburgh, Cologn, Wurtzburgh, and Worms, are all destroyed. In France, the Spanish Low Countries, Savoy, and Vaudois, after long and mighty struggles, the religion is utterly extinguished. Against the poor Palatines the persecution is now carrying on with its usual barbarity, and their neighbours, thé Saxons, are so far from being able to help them, that they are under the fearful apprehension of suffering the like from their own princet, lately turned Roman Catholick to obtain the kingdom of Poland, so soon as his wars with Sweden, and other troubles, created him by his Polish and Lithuanian subjects, will give him leave. Besides this, two northern princes have given great cause to suspect their conversion to the Roman religion. That Sweden, by its separation from the rest of Europe by the Baltick, is unable to give assistance to the Protestants in any part of Europe, without the consent of the German Princes bordering on the Baltick, which will never be granted by Papists in favour of the Pro testants. Thus the Protestant religion, which had spread itself over almost all Europe, which had gained the intire possessions of some countries, the greater part of others, and mighty interest in most, has, through the restless malice and endeavours of its enemies, been subverted and destroyed in country after country, till it is at last reduced to a little corner of what it once possessed, England and Holland. And do we think our enemies will not accomplish, what they have thus prosperously carried on so far, our utter destruction? Is it not high time then to think ourselves in danger, to look about us to enquire what it is hath thus weakened us, brought us so near our ruin, what measures will certainly accomplish it, and what we must take for the prevention of it. The Romish methods of converting the Protestants have been in all countries the same, viz. Confiscation of their estates, goals, and imprisonments, fire and sword, dragooning and massacring, and inflicting the • Now divided between France and the House of Austria. most inhuman torments, that rage and fury could invent, upon such, whose resolution and zeal for their religion could not be moved by the former means*. If this be the true case of England and the Protestant religion, then what is wanting to give the finishing stroke to our destruction, but only an ability in the king of France, to break the powers of England and Holland? And when we consider, how, in the year 1672, the king of France marched his army through the midst of Flanders, fell directly upon Holland, then unprovided, entered their strongest towns like open villages, some without defence, or almost denial, most of them without any blows at all, and all of them with very few, and made himself master of three parts of Holland in two months' time, for which Sir William Temple, king Charles the Second's ambassador, then in Holland, tells us the reason was, That the Dutch, then not suspecting 'such a thing, had no field army, sufficient to encounter their enemies, < or succour any town; that walled towns will not defend the men within, unless the hearts of the men will defend their walls; that no 'garrison will make any resolute defence, without the prospect or 'hopes at least of relief. It is true, that the French king, having then all Flanders on his back, garrisoned with Spanish troops (then his implacable enemies) a powerful army of the German princes marching up, on him down the Rhine; Spain and England, alarmed by his successes, preparing to attack him in all quarters, was glad to vomit up all again, and return home with as much precipitancy as he had invaded them, lest the provisions and retreat of his army through Flanders should be cut off. But now the case is otherwise, he has possessed himself of Flanders, extended his dominion to the very frontiers of Holland ; Spain is all united to him; some German Princes, then his enemies, are now become his friends; others entered into conditions of neutrality with him; and should he now, by a fatal battle, which God of his infinite mercy forbid, break the Dutch army, which they have, with infinite charge and matchless vigour, gathered up from Denmark, Brandenburgh, and other remote countries of Germany, might he not enter the heart of their country? And whence then can their strong cities depend upon relief? May he not, as formerly, possess himself of their whole country in less than one campaign? It was the opinion of that great statesman, Sir William Temple, That Holland would make a stout resistance in any quarrel remote from their own doors; but ' that which enables them (their wealth) to carry on a foreign war with 'vigour, would in a war at home render them defenceless: rich and 'populous towns are not fit for sieges, or were ever known to make any long and resolute defence.' If this be our case? if the whole power of the Protestant religion rests now in a manner, in England and Holland? if the destruction of England, as well as of our holy religion, must inevitably follow the loss of Holland? if Holland, by one unfortunate battle, might happen to be lost in one campaign or less, are we not in a most sad and deplorable condition? And, if some men are without their fears, have we not the 6 See this particularly described on page, 36, &c. greater reason to fear for ourselves, our religion, and our country? What should we judge of those who tell us, it is too early yet for England to declare? The enemy has raised his armies, furnished his magazines; and it is too early for us to think of raising a man. The enemy is before our outworks; and it is too soon for us to prepare ourselves to be on our guard. Will not those men tell us, when Holland is lost, it will then be too late? To what purpose, will they say, now do you think of raising forces? Is not the French king master of Holland? Possessed of all their ports? Where will you land them! To what use will you put them? Does not such language as this plainly shew the intention of the authors? Is it not plainly to deliver us blindfold, bound hand and foot, into the enemies' hand? Is not their design now so visible as not to be disguised? Do not some of the party begin to throw off the mask, and tell us, It will not be well with us till our old master* returns, till the government returns to its natural channelt. And are not those that were the very tools and instruments of Popery and arbitrary power in former reigns, and that owe their lives to acts of indemnity in this, industriously represented by some as the patriots of their country; and by a strange kind of paradox, those that have been always hearty for the church, and were for defending of it when others were for pulling it down; that were hearty for the king's accession to the throne, and to his person and government ever since, are presented as betrayers of us, as having sold us to France. Would it not be a piece of rare refined policy, if France could hang up her greatest enemies, under the notion of her dearest friends, and give encouragement to her ancient friends under the notion of being her enemies? Let us, therefore, while it is yet in our power (as we tender our religion and our country) use our utmost endeavours, by all legal ways, to assist his majesty and his government against all his and our enemies, both at home and abroad. Viz. King James. Is not this the language of the disaffected to a Protestant succession to this day? who are always plotting to disturb the quiet of that happy government under which we all enjoy our liberty, property, and religion; and combine with the enemies of our Church and State to reduce them to Popery and Slavery, by force of arms; which has been no less than five times threatened or attempted by France, since the publication of this pamphlet in the year 1690. King William and Queen Mary. THE Pre-eminence and Pedigree of Parliament. By JAMES HOWELL, Esq. PRINTED AT LONDON IN THE YEAR MDCLXXVII. AM a free-born subject of the realm of England, whereby I claim, as my native inheritance, an undoubted right, propriety, and portion in the laws of the land; and this distinguisheth me from a slave. I claim also an interest and common right in the high national court of parliament, and in the power, the privileges, and jurisdiction thereof, which I put in equal balance with the laws, in regard it is the fountain whence they spring; and this I hold also to be a principal part of my birth-right. Which great council I honour, respect, value, and love, in as high a degree as can be, as being the bulwark of our liberties, the main boundary and bank which keeps us from slavery, from the inundations of tyrannical rule, and unbounded will-go-government. And I hold myself obliged, in a tye of indispensable obedience, to conform and submit myself to whatsoever shall be transacted, concluded, and constituted, by its authority, in church or state; whether it be by making, enlarging, altering, diminishing, disannulling, repealing, or reviving of any law, statute, act, or ordinance whatsoever, either touching matters ecclesiastical, civil, common, capital, criminal, martial, maritime, municipal, or any other: of all which the transcendent and uncontroulable jurisdiction of that court is capable to take cognizance. Amongst the three things which the Athenian captain thanked the Gods for, one was, That he was born a Grecian, and not a Barbarian. For such was the vanity of the Greeks, and, after them, of the Romans, in the flourish of their monarchy, to arrogate all civility to themselves, and to term all the world besides, Barbarians. So I may say, to have cause to rejoice, that I was born a vassal to the crown of England; that I was born under so well moulded and tempered a government, which endows the subject with such liberties and infranchisements, that bear up his natural courage, and keep him still in heart; such liberties, that fence and secure him eternally from the gripes and tallons of tyranny. And all this may be imputed to the authority and wisdom of this high court of parliament; wherein there is such a rare co-ordination of power (though the sovereignty remain still intire and untransferable in the person of the prince), there is, I say, such a wholesome mixture be twixt monarchy, optimacy, and democracy, betwixt prince, peers, and commonalty, during the time of consultation, that, of so many distinct parts, by a rare co-operation and unanimity, they make but one body 3 |