aspersing their king, and shewing them dangers and enemies round about them, where none meant to hurt them; who with scripture phrases, and sacred railing, and profane abuse of God's word to base and malicious purposes, demonstrated their governors to be the designers of their ruin, were not the least promoters of all our shameful confusions.

But either we are so unwilling to reflect upon what then followed, or so inclinable to gratify our own little humour that way, that we too generally tread in the steps of the fomenters of those disturbances, without the least misgivings of what it may end in. We are as politick and as sharp-sighted, and as disingenuous as they were in 1641. We do, indeed, enjoy our liberties and properties, and the free exercise of our religion, peace, and plenty, justice equally distributed to all, are governed by known laws, and no man is oppressed, and yet we have grievances to complain of; dangers we foresee do threaten us; we groan, and sigh, and cry out at the badness of the times, are apprehensive of strange designs on foot, and cannot afford our governors one good word. Indeed, they among us who have a great reach, and would be thought politicians of the first rate, do give only notable hints, emphatical nods, intimate somewhat of our fears, but darkly; speak dubiously of what may happen, wish the king better advised, whisper somewhat about evil counsellors, and the like. But the vulgar part of us are more rash, and blunder it out more plainly, and prophesy of arbitrary government; cry out that we are sold and betrayed, and not far from being enslaved.

Some men have so strange fond conceits of themselves, that they are too ready to fancy their own petty interests and absurd desires so twisted and interwoven with the publick happiness of the nation, that, from any little disppointment of their ill-laid projects, they will take occasion to predict some signal mischiefs, if not ruin to the commonwealth. For they look on themselves as persons no less in favour with God, nor less wise in their designs than others; and how can publick mischiefs be brought on us, but by the ill administration of those who are concerned in the government? And when this prophetical foundation is once laid, then every accident which happens shall minister some jealousies and suspicions; every suspicion shall beget another; and can a man think much, and say nothing of such matters?

Besides, some men strangely affect the favour and good word of the common people; and what readier way to obtain it, than by persuading them that they are not so well governed as they ought to be? Some things will happen amiss, let men do what they can; and the common people who see the immediate and obvious effects of some inconveniencies, to which all sorts of governments are subject, have not the judgment to discern the secret lets and difficulties, which in publick proceedings are innumerable and inevitable. And does not the reproving the supposed disorders of state shew the persons, who do so, to be principal friends to the common interest, and honest men of singular freedom of mind? And what can be more popular and plausible?

Once more. When every private and ordinary person turns states

man, and with a judicious gravity canvasses and determines the particular interests and designs of kings and princes; when he, perhaps, who has hardly wit enough to govern his own little family, takes upon him to settle the affairs of Christendom, and fancies himself able to give this or the other prince advice how to govern his subjects, and enlarge his dominions: In fine, when men spend their time, they should employ in their several callings to gain their livelihood, in running about after news, and make themselves poor by idleness and negligence; what can we expect among these people but perverse censures and silly conclusions, seditious repinings and discontents?

But, certainly, no wise man can think the worse of any government, because unthinking people speak ill of it; nor will he, who is but a little above the multitude, think himself in danger, and bound to vex and to be discontented, because they are not pleased.

Indeed, we have been so long used to concern ourselves in matters that do not belong to us, to arraign, and, at our pleasure, to condemn the government; that either our governors must publish to the world all their designs and consultations, and inform the people of all their motives to such or such resolutions (which would be the most absurd thing in the world, and the greatest contradiction to all the uses and ends of government), or else they must expect to have evil censures passed on them for all they do, to be complained of as enemies to their country, and betrayers of their trust. A humour fit for the senseless rabble, but below any one of parts and ingenuity.

But now let us think a little what will be the end of all these things? The most experienced and ablest disturbers have always first struck at the reputation of the government, and frequently with great success. For can there be obedience where there is not so much as respect? Will their knees bow whilst their hearts insult? and their actions submit, whilst their apprehensions and tongues do rebel?

And when the people are thus prepared with jealousies and discontents, and some accidents happen, which offer an opportunity, then out steps some bold hypocritical rebel, and heads the discontented party; puts forth remonstrances of grievances and misdemeanors in the government, and engages to remedy them; and the devil, who is never wanting to men, that are set upon mischief, sets forward the work, till it improve into an open and detestable civil war. All histories are full of examples; and we are not so happy as not to know, and to be

one.

Away, therefore, with our murmuring and querulousness; we do but assist evil men, and vex and trouble ourselves by them. Let us do our duty, every one in his place, and leave the great business of all to God, and to the king, whom he has given us. Let not our curiosity, or what is worse, make us over-careful and solicitous about many things which belong not to us, but rather take the advice given us in scripture, Study to be quiet, and do our own business, and wait with patience and modesty.' The reports, which we hear concerning our governor's determinations, are very uncertain, and often false; and set about by seditious and unquiet men, who perhaps underhand work for that design, which they seem to the world to be most violently set

3

-1

against. And as to those, which are true, we, who know not the circumstances of them, must be very arrogant and presumptuous, if we take upon us to judge of their conveniency or inconveniency. But this we may be assured of, that all our malicious and seditious discourses will very little promote the safety of ourselves, or of our governors; and that there are those who have better information and greater abilities than we, who will be as much concerned for their lives, their liberties, and their religion, as any of us can pretend to be. Let us assist them with our prayers, and the reformation of our lives; which are the most effectual means to secure our other interests.

To inforce this yet farther. It is by God that kings reign, and from him alone can they receive their authority; and since he has sufficiently declared that he would have us be submissive and respectful, patient and obedient; if we murmur against them, we murmur at God's management of the world; we arraign Providence, and shew, that, let us talk as much as we will of it, we are not for it but when it is for us.

Let us question, as a good man among the Jews did: 'Whose ox has our king taken, or whose ass has he taken? or whom has he defrauded? Whom has he oppressed? or of whose hands has he received any bribes, to blind his eyes therewith?'

We talk of arbitrary government; What man has lost his life or estate under his government, but by due form and procedure of law? We talk of tyranny; can any man charge this prince with the least act of cruelty? Did he ever shew any thing of a bloody revengeful spirit? Or can we read of a more merciful, and condescending, and obliging king that ever ruled in Europe? And all the returns that we make to so much justice, and sweetness, and goodness, are unkind, and rude, and undutiful reflexions. We most ungratefully endeavour to render him as odious in the eyes of the world as we can; and not only so, but settle a way of putting a most invidious interpretation on all his future actions. But, should we endeavour to ruin the reputation of one of the meanest of our neighbours, would it not be a great sin in the eyes of God, and a great injury and wrong to him; and would not we esteem it so in our own case, if we were so dealt with by others? and do we not think it a sin of much greater magnitude, to speak evil of dignities, to revile God's vice-gerent, and to lay his honour in the dust? Certainly we must be very partial to ourselves if we judge otherwise. And indeed, this is a crime of so extensive a bad influence, and so much mischief, that they who consider the injury the publick receives by it, admire that no severer punishments are appointed by the laws for those who are guilty of it; and they who consider the heinousness of the sin, do not less wonder that our divines do not more frequently lay open the guilt of it to the people.

To make an end. Could all our complaints and unquietness take away the pretended occasions of them; could our fancying ourselves in an ill condition deliver us out of it; could our persuading ourselves that our liberty and religion is in danger, make both secure; and our wilful fears and jealous surmises prevent real evils: It were unkind to dissuade you from murmuring, and he would prove your enemy

who would make you so yourselves. Could groundless fears and imaginary dangers establish peace on a lasting foundation; could false alarms and mutinous discourses contribute any thing to the plenty and quiet of the kingdom: Could our suspecting our governors render our fellow-subjects more obedient, and our aspersing those, who are concerned in the management of highest affairs, strengthen your hands, and inspire their resolutions; then we could have some pretence for our restlessness and clamorousness.

But since it stands upon record in the histories of all ages; since we have had late and dismal effects of such practices, and have too frequently found that jealousies and suspicions, out-cries and complaints, vain fears and imaginary grievances, have produced real mischief, and brought on us those misfortunes, which they seemed only to foretel: Since they are the most effectual incouragements to seditious persons, and aspiring disturbers need no greater than to have their pretences abetted by sober, grave men, and their cause voted up by the common cry of the whole people; it cannot be thought indiscreet, or useless, or pragmatical in any one to intreat you to live at ease, and to enjoy yourselves, the blessed serenity of an undisturbed mind; to banish out of your hearts and mouths such hurtful follies; and to persuade you to let peace and prosperity continue among you, whilst they seem to court you, and to beg only your consent.

Dublin, May 24, 1681.

A WORD WITHOUT-DOORS,

CONCERNING

THE BILL OF SUCCESSION.

The occasion of writing this Pamphlet was the great dispute concerning the exclusion of the Duke of York from the throne of these kingdoms, upon the death of King Charles II. his brother, on account of his religion, having professed himself a Papist, and openly declared himself a zealous protector of such as were so affected.

The Argument is founded upon the divine institution and proper end of government; the laws of the land; the reasons that may warrant such an exclusion; examples of the like proceedings and the impossibility that a popish king can ever prove a true defender of the Protestant Christian Faith; all which equally serves to justify the Revolution in 1698, and the Protestant Establishment of the Crown in the Protestant House of Hanover, and the necessity of preserving the said establishment, as to perpetuate a memorial of that noble stand against Popery, and the utmost effort of that Parliament here mentioned, to secure our religion and laws; even at the hazard of their own dissolution, which the duke was able to obtain.

I

SIR,

AM very sensible of the great honour you were pleased to do me in your last, which I received immediately after our late unhappy dissolution; but could have wished you would have laid your com

*

mands on some more able person, to have given you satisfaction in the matter you there propose relating to the Duke, who, you seem to insinuate, was like (if the Parliament had continued) to have received hard measure.† I must ingenuously confess to you, I was not long since perfectly of your opinion, and thought it the highest injustice imaginable, for any prince to be debarred of his native right of succes sion upon any pretence whatsoever. But, upon a more mature delibe→ ration and enquiry, I found my error proceeded principally from the false notions I had took up of government itself, and from my ignorance of the practices of all communities of men in all ages, whenever self-preservation and the necessity of their affairs obliged them to declare their opinion in cases of the like nature: to the knowledge of all which, the following accident, I shall relate to you, did very much contribute.

My occasions obliging me one day to attend the coming of a friend in a coffee-house near Charing-cross, there happened to sit at the same table with me two ingenious gentlemen, who, according to the frankness of conversation now used in the town, began a discourse on the same subject you desire to be more particularly informed-in; and having extolled the late House of Commons, as the best number of men that had ever sat within these walls; and that no house had ever more vigorously maintained and asserted English liberty and Protestant religion than they had done, as far as the nature of the things that came before them, and the circumstances of time would admit; to all which I very readily and heartily assented. They then added, that the great wisdom and zeal of that house had appeared in nothing more, than in ordering a bill to be brought in for debarring the Duke of York from inheriting the crown: a law they affirmed to be the most just and reasonable in the world, and the only proper remedy to establish this nation on a true and solid interest, both in relation to the present and future times.§

To which I could not but reply, That I begged their pardon if I differed from them in opinion; and did believe, that how honestly soever the House of Commons might intend in that matter, yet that the point of successson was so sacred a thing, and of so high a nature, that it was not subjected to their cognizance; that monarchy was of divine right; that princes succeeded by nature and generation only, and not by authority, admission, or approbation of the people; and consequently, that neither the merit or demerit of their persons, nor the different influences from thence upon the people, were to be respected or had in consideration; but the commonwealth ought to obey and submit to the next heir, without any further inquisition; and, if he proved a worthy, virtuous, and just prince, it was a great happiness; if unjust, barbarous, and tyrannical, there was no other remedy, but prayer, patience,

*Of York, afterwards King James II.

ti. e. To have been excluded from succeeding to the Crown of England, upon the demise of his brother, King Charles II. who said that he had no lawful issue.

Of the succession to the Crown.

Because they, without respect to persons, would have excluded the enemies of our holy religion from the throne, and established a true Protestant succession, under which only it is possible for us to be happy.

As it has been long since manifested, both in King James II.'s male-administration, and the happiness we now enjoy under a Protestant King.