der the sacred name and character of publick ministers, into those who were intrusted in the government of kingdoms and states, suborning them, by gifts and pensions, to the selling their masters, and betraying their trusts, and descending even to intrigues by women, who were sent or married into the countries of diverse potent princes, to lie as snakes in their bosoms, to eat out their bowels, or to instil that poison into them, which might prove the destruction of them and their countries, of which Poland, Savoy, and Spain, to mention no more at present, can give but too ample testimonies."

The insolent use he has made of his ill-gotten greatness, has been as extravagant as the means of procuring it. For this the single instance of Genoa may suffice; which, without the least notice or any ground of a quarrel whatsoever, was bombarded by the French fleet, and the doge, four principal senators of that free state, constrained in person to humble themselves at that monarch's feet; which, in the style of France, was called 'chastising sovereigns for casting umbrage upon his greatness."

His practices against England have been of the same nature, and by corrupt means he has constantly, and with too much success, endeavoured to get such power in the court of England, in the time of King Charles the Second, and the late King James, as might by degrees undermine the government, and true interest of this flourishing kingdom.*

Another art which he has used to weaken England, and subject it to his aspiring designs, was never to admit an equal balance of trade, nor consent to any just treaty or settlement of commerce, by which he promoted our ruin at our own charge.

When, from a just apprehension of this formidable growing power of France, the nation became zealous to right themselves; and the House of Commons, in the year 1677, being assured they should have an actual war against France, cheerfully raised a great sum of money, and an army as readily appeared to carry on the war; that interest of France had still power enough to render all this ineffectual, and to frustrate the nation of all their hopes and expectations.

Nor did France only render this desired war ineffectual, but had power enough to make us practise their injustice and irregularites, some years before, by turning our force against our next neighbours,† by assaulting their Smyrna fleet.

Nor were they more industrious, by corrupt means, to obtain this power, than careful, by the same ways, to support it; and knowing that from parliaments only could probably proceed an obstruction to their secret practices, they attempted to make a bargaint, That they should not meet in such a time; in which they might hope to perfect their de signs of enslaving the nation.

In the same confidence of this power, they violently seized upon part of Hudson's Bay; and, when the matter was complained of by the company, and the injury offered to be proved, the best expedient France could find to cover their injustice, and prevent satisfaction, was to make use of their great interest in the Court of England to keep it from ever coming to be heard.

Sce the Emperor's Letter, in page 23. The Dutch. With the King and Ministry.

The French king, in pursuance of his usual methods, of laying hold of any opportunity that might increase his power, and give disturbance to others, has now* carried on an actual war in Ireland, sending thither a great number of officers with money, arms, and ammunition, and, under the pretence of assisting the late King James, he has taken the government of affairs into his hands, by putting all officers into commands, and managing the whole business by his ministers, and has already begun to use the same cruelties and violences upon your majesty's subjects, as he has lately practised in his own dominions, and in all other places, where he has got power enough to destroy.

Lastly, The French king's declaration of war against the crown of Spain, is wholly grounded upon its friendship to your majesty's royal person, and no other cause of denouncing war against it is therein alledged, than the resolution taken in that court, to favour your majesty, whom he most injuriously terms the Usurper of England, an insolence never-enough to be resented and detested by your majesty's subjects.

After our humble representation of all these particulars to your majesty, if your majesty shall think fit to enter into a war against France, we humbly assure your majesty, That we will give you such assistance in a parliamentary way, as shall enable your majesty to support and go through the same; and we shall not doubt, but by the blessing of God, upon your majesty's prudent conduct, a stop may be put to that growing greatness of the French king, which threatens all Christendom with no less than absolute slavery; the incredible quantity of innocent blood shed may be revenged; his oppressed neighbours restored to their just rights and possessions; your majesty's alliances, and the treaty of Nimenguent supported to that degree, that all Europe in general, and this nation, in particular, may for ever have occasion to celebrate your majesty as the great maintainer of justice and liberty, and the opposer and overthrower of all violence, cruelty, and arbitrary power.

In the Year 1689.

By which, proper caution was taken to curb the haughty designs of France, to maintain the balance of Europe, and to secure the prosperity of the Protestant States.

MACHIAVEL'S VINDICATION

OF

HIMSELF AND HIS WRITINGS,

AGAINST THE

IMPUTATION OF IMPIETY, ATHEISM, AND OTHER HIGH CRIMES ›

EXTRACTED FROM HIS LETTER TO HIS FRIEND ZENOBIUS.

In this Apologetical Letter, Machiavel endeavours to clear himself of three accusations: 1. Of his favouring democracy. 2. Of his vilifying the church, as author of all the misgovernment in the world; and by such contempts, making way for profaneness and atheism. 3. Of teaching monarchs, in his book of the Prince, all the execrable villanies that can be invented, and instructing them how to break faith, and so to oppress and enslave their subjects; which particulars are generally laid to his charge.

I. To the first, he answers, "That being born and brought up in a commonwealth, viz. Florence, and having had his share in the managing affairs, sometimes in the quality of secretary to that city, and sometimes employed in embassages abroad; to quit himself of his duty, he began to read the histories of ancient and modern times, and thereupon made some observations on Livy, wherein he carefully avoided all dogmaticalness, and never concluded, from the excellency of the Roman counsels and atchievements, that they naturally proceeded from their government, and were a plain effect and consequence of the perfection of their commonwealth. 'But,' says he, 'if readers will thus judge, how can I in reason be accused for that?

Then he gives you a description of rebellion, which he extends not only to a rising in arms against any government we live under, but to all clandestine conspiracies too, and believes it to be the greatest crime that can be committed amongst men; and yet a sin which will be committed, while the world lasts, as often as princes tyrannise over their subjects; for, let the horror and guilt be never so great, it is impossible that human nature, which consists of passion, as well as virtue, can support, with patience and submission, the greatest cruelty and injustice, whenever either the weakness of their princes, the unanimity of the people, or any other favourable accident shall give them reasonable hopes to mend their condition, and provide better for their own interest by insurrection. But as to those who take up arms to maintain the politick constitution or government of their country, in the condition it then is, and to defend it from being changed or invaded by the craft or force of any man, though it were the prince, or chief magistrate himself; if such taking up of arms be commanded or authorised by those who are, by the orders of that government, legally intrusted with the custody of the liberty of the people, and foundation of the government: Our author is so far from accounting it a rebellion, that he believes it laudable, and the duty of every member of such commonwealth. If this be not granted, it will be in vain to frame any mixt monarchies in the world. II. As to the accusation of impiety, Machiavel denies, that his laying the blame upon the church of Rome, not only for all the misgovernment of Christendom, but even for the depravation, and almost total destruction of the Christian religion in Italy; he denies, I say, that such a blame should make way for atheism. In order to a further clearing of himself, he makes a most pure profession of

faith, and then goes on to prove, that the Popes have corrupted the Christianism: "Nay,' adds he, we have something more to say against those sacrilegious preten ders to God's power; for whereas all other false worships have been set up by some politick legislators, for the support and preservation of government; this false, this spurious religion, brought in upon the ruins of Christianity, by the Popes, has deformed the face of the government in Europe, destroying all the good principles and morality left us by the heathens themselves; and introduced, instead thereof, sordid, cowardly, and impolitick notions, whereby they have subjected mankind, and even great princes and states to their empire; and never suffered any orders or maxims to take place (where they had power) that might make a nation wise, honest, great, and wealthy This I have set down so plainly in those passages of my book, which are complained of,' &c. And, indeed, I remember to have read many things to that purpose, in his observations on Livy. True, it is, that he does not there express his mind so fully, but what may be written in a letter to particular friends, may not be allowed in a book, especially under the tyranny of the inquisition, to which he was subject. Afterwards he pursues to enumerate the prevarications of the Church of Rome, and shews, that the Popes are so far from being the successors of St. Peter, and the vicars of Christ, that they are rather the antichrist and mau of sin. He briefly confutes the worship of images, the invocation of saints, the persecution of hereticks, the indulgences and purgatory, the immunities of the clergy and monks, &c. There he says something, by the way, worthy our observation, namely, 'That the very same year in which Luther began to thunder against the Pope's indulgences, our author prophesies, that the scourge of the church was not far off.' What kind of prophecies those of Machiavel might be, I leave politicians to judge. However, this undeniably proves, that this letter is genuine. I might add, that those, who are excellently learned in that science, have something divine in them; and, because of the great chain of consequences they foresee, may foretel several things some ages before the event. The prophecy of our author, concerning the reformation, and the reviving of Popery, may be an instance of it.

III. Concerning the last accusation, That he teaches princes how to enslave and oppress their subjects: He answers, That his treatise is both a satyre against tyrants, and a true character of them; and that he only designed to draw such monsters to the life, that people might the better know and avoid them. Just as a physician describes a foul disease, to the end men may be deterred, and shun the infection of it, or may discern and care it, if it comes upon them. And as to what he affirmed in another book, That in what way soever men defended their country, whether by breaking or keeping their faith,' It was ever well defended;' he says, he meaned it not in a strict moral sense, or point of honour; but would only signify, that the infamy of the breach of word would quickly be forgotten and pardoned by the world; which is so true, that even good success, a far less consideration than piety to our country, commonly cancels the blame of such a perfidy. As we see Cæsar (though not a whit better than Cataline) not only not detested by posterity, but even crowned with renown and immortal fame.

HE discourse we had lately, dear Zenobio, and the pressing importunity of Guilio Salviati, that I would use some means to wipe off the many aspersions cast upon my writings, gives you the present trouble of reading this letter, and me the pleasure of writing it.

I have yielded, you see, to the intreaty of Guilio, and the rest of that company, for that I esteem it a duty to clear that excellent society from the scandal of having so dangerous and pernicious a person to be a member of their conversation. For by reason of my age, and since the loss of my liberty, and my sufferings under that monster of lust and cruelty, Alexander de Medici, set over us by the divine vengeance for our sins, I can be capable of no other design or enjoyment, than to delight and be delighted in the company of so many choice and vir

3

tuous persons, who now assemble themselves with all security, under the happy and hopeful reign of our new prince Cosimo; and, we may say, that, though our commonwealth be not restored, our slavery is at an end, and, that he, coming in by our own choice, may prove, if I have as good skill in prophesying, as I have had formerly, ancestor to many renowned princes, who will govern this state in great quietness, and with great clemency; so that our posterity is like to enjoy ease and security, though not that greatness, wealth, and glory, by which our city hath for some years past, even in the most factious and tumultuous times of our democracy, given law to Italy, and bridled the ambition of foreign princes. But that I may avoid the loquacity incident to old men, I will come to the business; if I remember well, the exceptions, that are taken to these poor things I have published, are reducible to three.

First, That in all my writings I insinuate my great affection to the democratical government, even so much as to undervalue that of monarchy in respect of it; which last I do not obscurely in many passages teach, and, as it were, persuade the people to throw off.

Next, That in some places I vent very great impieties, slighting and vilifying the church as author of all the misgovernment in the world, and by such contempt make way for atheism and profaneness.

And lastly, That in my Book of the Prince, I teach monarchs all the execrable villanies that can be invented, and instruct them how to break faith, and to oppress and to enslave their subjects.

I shall answer something to every one of these; and, that I may observe a right method, will begin with the first.--

I shall speak to that which is indeed fit to be wiped off, and which, if it were true, would not only justly expose me to the hatred and vengeance of God, and all good men, but even destroy the design and purpose of all my writings; which is to treat in some sort, as well as one of my small parts can hope to do, of the politicks. And how can any man pretend to write concerning policy, who destroys the most essential part of it, which is obedience to all governments? It will be very easy then for Guilio Salviati, or any other member of our society, to believe the protestation I make, That the animating of private men, either directly or indirectly, to disobey, much less to shake off any government, how despotical soever, was never in my thoughts or writings; those, who are unwilling to give credit to this, may take the pains to assign, in any of my books, the passages they imagine to tend that way (for I can think of none myself) that so I may give such person more particular satisfaction.

I must confess I have a discourse in one of my books to encourage the Italian nation, to assume their ancient valour, and to expel the Barbarians, meaning, as the ancient Romans use the word, all strangers from among us; but that was before the kings of Spain had quiet possession of the kingdom of Naples, or the emperor of the duchy of Milan; so that I could not be interpreted to mean that the people of those two dominions should be stirred up to shake off their princes, because they were foreigners; since at that time Lodovic Sforza was in the possession of the one, and king Frederick restored to the other, both natives of