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should also obtain an equitable share in carrying our own produce; we should enter into the field of competition on equal terms, and enjoy the actual benefit of advantages which nature and the spirit of our people entitle us to.

He adverted to the advantageous situation this country is entitled to stand in, considering the nature of our exports and returns. Our exports are bulky, and therefore must employ much shipping, which might be nearly all our own : our exports are chiefly necessaries of life, or raw materials, the food for the manufacturers of other nations. On the contrary, the chief of what we receive from other countries, we can either do without, or produce substitutes.

[H. OF R.

sate the damage. It is only in the first instance, no doubt, that the burden is to be thrown upon the United States. The proper Department of Government will, no doubt, take proper steps to obtain redress. The justice of foreign nations will certainly not permit them to deny reparation when the breach of the Law of Nations appear evidently; at any rate, it is just that the individual should not suffer. He believed the amount of the damages that would come within the meaning of this resolution, would not be very considerable. Mr. M.'s resolutions being seconded, were presented and read by the Clerk.

Mr. W. SMITH rose to make some remarks on the observations of Mr. MADISON, when a motion was made by Mr. FITZSIMONS, that the Committee should rise, and report progress, and that the House should give order for printing the reso

After some further remarks by two or three members, Mr. MADISON said he had no wish to precipitate the discussion; he was content that the Committee should now rise, and that a future early day should be assigned.

It is in the power of the United States, he conceived, by exerting her natural rights, without violating the rights, or even the equitable pretensions of other nations-by doing no more than most na-lutions. tions do for the protection of their interests, and much less than some, to make her interests respected; for, what we receive from other nations are but luxuries to us, which, if we choose to throw aside, we could deprive part of the manufacturers of those luxuries, of even bread, if we are forced, to the contest of self-denial. This being the case, our country may make her enemies feel the extent of her power. We stand, with respect to the nation exporting those luxuries, in the relation of an opulent individual to the laborer, in producing the superfluities for his accommodation; the former can do without those luxuries, the consumption of which gives bread to the latter.

He did not propose, or wish that the United States should, at present, go so far in the line which his resolutions point to, as they might go. The extent to which the principles involved in those resolutions should be carried, will depend upon filling up the blanks. To go to the very extent of the principle immediately, might be inconvenient. He wished, only, that the Legislature should mark out the ground on which we think we can stand; perhaps it may produce the effect wished for, without unnecessary irritation; we need not at first go every length.

Another consideration would induce him, he said, to be moderate in filling up the blanks-not to wound public credit. He did not wish to risk any sensible diminution of the public revenue. He believed that if the blanks were filled with judgment, the diminution of the revenue, from a diminution in the quantity of imports, would be counterbalanced by the increase in the duties.

The last resolution he had proposed, he said, is, in a manner, distinct from the rest. The nation is bound by the most sacred obligation, he conceived, to protect the rights of its citizens against a violation of them from any quarter; or, if they cannot protect, they are bound to repay the damage. It is a fact authenticated to this House by communications from the Executive, that there are regulations established by some European nations, contrary to the Law of Nations, by which our property is seized and disposed of in such a way that damages have accrued. We are bound either to obtain reparation for the injustice, or compen

The motion for the Committee's rising being put, was agreed to. The Committee rose accordingly, and reported progress.

A question then occurred as to the day on which the business should be taken into consideration. Next Monday was mentioned.

Mr. AMES proposed next Monday week. He observed that the resolutions involved the greatest interests of this country; that, for himself, he could not possibly be prepared to discuss the subject by Monday next. The Report of the Secretary was incomplete; a supplementary Report had been received from that officer, which had not yet been printed, and he believed that the members were not possessed of a knowledge of its contents; he could speak for himself at least. He further remarked, that the subject required the most mature deliberation of the House. Sudden and hasty decisions might be followed with the most serious effects; they might involve the sacrifice of the essential interests, or the honor of the United States.

Mr. MADISON said, he saw no necessity for a very distant day; the subject was not a new one; it existed previous to the present Government; it had been repeatedly before the Legislature of the United States; it had been amply dilated on in reports and public dissertations; he did not conceive there was a single proposition contained in the resolutions which had not been repeatedly revolved in the minds of every member of the House. He supposed an early discussion would be the most eligible, as the members would, as it proceeded, naturally throw light upon it.

Mr. W. SMITH was in favor of Monday week. He supposed that many documents would be wanted by the members, which were not now in the possession of the House. Besides, he observed that, as soon as the present question was got rid of, he should lay before the House sundry resolutions respecting foreign tonnage, which would naturally connect themselves with the re

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solutions brought forward by the member from Virginia.

[JANUARY, 1794.

which seemed to meet the unanimous sense of the members; but Mr. CLARK thought this last augmentation too great. They might, in this way of proceeding, raise the pay in time to ten dollars a month.

Mr. NICHOLAS was in favor of Wednesday. He wished for an early discussion. He thought the subject would receive more light from the public deliberations of the members themselves, than it would derive from their studies in their chambers; the discussion will be interesting; it cannot be hurried, and no sudden decision need be anti-hire a workman, who was to sleep at peace in his cipated from as early a day as Wednesday.

Mr. MURRAY was in favor of Monday week. He differed from the gentleman last up, that a public collision on this or any other subject, was the most probable way to strike out the truth. The calm and dispassionate consideration of propositions at leisure, appeared to him more likely to be succeeded by a just and sound decision. He wished for more time than some gentlemen appeared willing to allow.

Mr. SCOTT was of opinion that there was no just proportion between the wages of ordinary labor and that of military service. He could not

bed, and to dine at a good table, for the pay that was given to a soldier for enduring the hardships of his dangerous profession. An augmentation of their pay would flatter the troops. It would put them in good humor; and therefore he hoped that the five dollars would be carried through the House.

Mr. SMILIE said, that the expense of living had been considerably raised in every part of the United States. The pay of the soldiers ought, in common justice, to be advanced in an equal degree with that of the other persons employed in the service of the State. Congress had lately received a petition from some gentlemen employed in the public offices of Philadelphia. The officers of the Army had been talking of a similar necessity of an advance in their pay. The United States ought to pay well, that they might obtain good men. Many recruits had, upon late occasions, enlisted, and several of them in Philadelphia, who never should have been admitted into the Military Establishment of any nation whatever. Mr. WADSWORTH did not see any reason for the

Mr. S. SMITH was in favor of Monday week. He enumerated a number of documents which he thought would be found necessary to enable the members to judge with precision. He considered the subject as highly important to his constituents, on which too much deliberation could scarcely be bestowed. It refers to taxes and new impositions on trade, the expediency of which ought to be maturely considered. The object of the propositions are evidently a commercial warfare; this is commonly introductive of another species of contest-a very serious consideration. The gentleman who brought forward the resolutions, had probably matured his ideas on the sub-proposed additional dollar per month. If he had ject. For his part, he had not; he required more


The motion for Monday week being put, was carried by a large majority.

Ordered, That the Secretary of the Treasury report to this House a comparative view of the tonnage employed in the trade between the United States and foreign countries, for the years 1790, 1791, and 1792; also, that he report the actual tonnage of vessels of the United States, employed in one year, between the United States and foreign


The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the bill providing for destroyed certificates of certain descriptions; and, after some time spent therein, the Committee rose, and had leave to sit again.

MONDAY, January 6.

JAMES GILLESPIE, from North Carolina, appeared, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the House.


The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the bill for completing and better supporting the Military Establishment of the United States. The bill being read,

On the clause of the bill for augmenting the pay of the soldiers from three to four dollars per month, Mr. IRVINE proposed an addition of a fifth dollar,

thought it necessary, he should have been very
ready to mention it. In the States north of Penn-
sylvania, the wages of a common laborer were
not, upon the whole, superior to those of a com-
mon soldier. It had been alleged that, by aug-
menting the pay of the troops, we should get bet-
ter men. This was a doctrine which he, for one,
did not understand. The present Western Army
were as good troops as ever went into the field,
and much better than the late Continental Army.
Men of a sober character did not and would not
enlist. Recruits might have very good morals,
and it was certain that many honest men did not
love labor. Curiosity, levity, the heat of youth,
and other very excusable motives, sent people to
the Army; but it never was, nor ever will be, the
place where a thoughtful and industrious private
man would be ambitious to exert his talents. For
this reason,
he was convinced that to enlarge the
pay would answer no good purpose. As to the
people, it was in vain to imagine that they would
militia, who were, many of them, substantial
fulfil the end of an Army in the Indian war. They
had been tried, and the experiment had failed.
He again adverted to the impossibility of supply-
ing the ranks with recruits above the most ordi-
nary classes of life. He never had seen an Army,
such as it was believed that the additional dollar
would assemble, and he despaired ever to see such
an Army. There was, however, an act of bounty,
which might be of infinite service to the troops,
and which he should take a future opportunity of
moving. He referred to a provision for the widows

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and children of such soldiers as should happen to lose their lives in the service.

[H. OF R.

when every article was above its natural price; because, when things return to their old level, it would be impossible to reduce their wages. The people of Europe had, by their wars, increased the demand for the produce of our farms, and this had raised the wages of labor. The members of Congress had six dollars per day, and it would be no easy matter to alter that, which he seemed to hint might not be quite improper. He thought that high pay would only serve to make the soldiers get drunk. It would be much better to give them some substantial gratification at the end of the service.

Mr. BOUDINOT said, that he should be very sorry to recommend the augmentation, if he thought that it would induce farmers, and sober, industrious people to quit their families and professions in exchange for a military life. This, he thought, would indeed be a very alarming consequence, and, did he apprehend it, he should undoubtedly oppose the intended increase. He had no apprehensions of that kind. America would be in a very bad situation, indeed, if an additional pay of twelve dollars a year could bribe a farmer or manufacturer to enlist. He should look very Mr. WADSWORTH said that the Army, in getting strange at any of his neighbors who should tell four dollars, got plenty, and he despaired of seeing him that they had embraced such an offer. In- five dollars pass through that House; but, were stead of augmenting the pay, perhaps it was better they to vote twenty dollars, they never would be to add something to the rations; those, for ex-able to enlist that class of men whom it was example, of salt and flour. He thought it safest to pected five dollars would collect. A member had agree to the four dollars, because if they voted for mentioned, as a proof of the possibility of enlisting five, the bill would probably be thrown out of the the sons of farmers, the instance of a party in one other House; and thus, by grasping at too much, of the New England States, who had formed the movers of the amendment would lose the bill themselves into a military body, and had gone altogether. Originally, troops had been raised for westward in quest of a settlement, but were cut less than two dollars per month. The pay had to pieces by the Indians. He knew this, and he since been augmented to three, and was now on had likewise heard of others who had since gone the way of being raised to four. He wished to from the same quarter, and upon the same errand. make its advances gradual. If we looked at the He had inquired about their characters, and had situations of other countries, and contemplated the found, just as he had expected, that they were state of their finances, we should be convinced that very honest, good sort of people, but somewhat of America paid her troops as well in proportion to a rambling disposition, and not remarkably indusher ability as any other people in the world, and trious. As to the notion of enlisting men, and atthat her soldiers had no right to complain. taching them to their country, by five dollars a month, it would not do. The old Continental Army were very good soldiers, but certainly some of them did not fight for the sake of their country, since they deserted by scores. They were, however, brought back, and fought very well. Their reasons for deserting, he did not pretend to know; but this he knew, that they were very idle and very worthless fellows, which did not hinder them from doing their duty. Mr. W. added, that it was a mistake to propose giving five dollars a month for fear that we should not be able to get recruits. In a short time our communication by sea would be cut off. We would likewise be prevented from emigrations into the back country. Recruits would then be had in the greatest abundance for four dollars a month, as great numbers of people would then be thrown out of employment, and enlist for want of it.

Mr. MONTGOMERY spoke a few words in favor of an advance to five dollars.

Mr. SCOTT said, that Pennsylvania had some time ago raised a few companies of soldiers for her frontier service, and given them two pounds ten shillings currency per month, which was equal to six dollars and two-thirds. In consequence of this, the companies had been filled with some of the most respectable kind of people in the country. They were quite of a different class from the recruits raised for the Western Army. He wished to try the five dollars. This superior pay was reported to have hurt the Continental recruiting service. He thought it very possible that such had been the case. If Government give the proposed five dollars, the Continental Army might, perhaps, get all the levies which it wanted from these very companies.

Mr. HUNTER would have voted for six dollars. Mr. BEATTY said, that he was for giving five dollars, from a conviction that it was requisite for the service.

Mr. SMILIE was decidedly for the additional augmentation. The recruits, he said, who had been raised in this city were sad fellows, and not fit to be trusted. Better pay would bring forward better men.

Mr. SMITH said that, as to the rate of labor, good men were hired to work in Vermont for eighteen pounds a year, which is equal to four dollars per month, and out of that they find their own clothes. He thought it a very dangerous plan to raise the wages of soldiers at this time,

The amendment to the bill, of adding two dollars instead of one, was rejected.

Mr. CLARK then moved, as an amendment of the bill, that that there should be an addition of four ounces of bread or flour, and four ounces of meat to each ration.

Mr. HARTLEY was for augmenting the rations. He knew that they were too small. In cultivated countries they might do, but not in the back woods, where vegetables were not to be had.

Mr. WADSWORTH was convinced that the rations were sufficient, unless on a march. He spoke, he said, from experience.

Mr. GILES had been frequently informed by officers in the Army, that the rations were all de

H. OF R.]

Flag of the United States.

[JANUARY, 1794.

I therefore recommend to the consideration of Con

fective. In the back woods, the soldiers had been often reduced to such distress for want of vegeta-gress the expediency of an establishment of this nables, as to go in search of acorns to supply their ture, under such regulations as shall appear to them place. G. WASHINGTON. UNITED STATES, January 7, 1794.

Mr. FITZSIMONS said, that he had been informed that the principal objection to the rations was the inferior quality of the meat, and that this arose from the leanness of the cattle, as being exhausted by hard driving. Instead, therefore, of a regular increase, it might perhaps be better to provide for accidental contingencies.

Mr. MURRAY moved, and his motion was seconded, to amend the amendment by striking out the words, and "four ounces of meat."

Mr. SMITH said, that an aid-de-camp, who was his relation, and now serving in the Army, had wrote him that they were just now well fed, well clothed, in good health, and as good spirits as an Army had ever enjoyed. The reason of the common rations of provisions failing in a march, was owing to the waste in cooking. The amendment of Mr. CLARK, and the additional amendment of Mr. MURRAY, were both withdrawn.

The Committee now rose and reported the amendment, and the bill and amendment were ordered to lie on the table.

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to report whether any, and what, alteration ought to be made in the ration now allowed to the troops of the United States; and that Mr. IRVINE, Mr. DEARBORN, and Mr. HEISTER, be the said committee.

TUESDAY, January 7.


The said Message was read, and ordered to lie on the table.

Resolved, That it be an instruction to the committee appointed on Thursday last, on the subject of the Algerine communications, that they prepare and report to the House an estimate of the expense that will be requisite to place the principal seaports and harbors of the United States in a state of defence.

Ordered, That the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, of the sums necessary to be appropriated for the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, which was made on the twenty-third ultimo, be committed to a Committee of the Whole House on Thursday next.

Mr. TRUMBULL, from the committee appointed to prepare and report such Standing Rules and Orders of proceeding as are proper to be observed in this House, made a report; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.


The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the bill sent from the Senate, entitled "An act making an alteration in the Flag of the United States."

Mr. GOODHUE thought it a trifling business,

The following Message was received from the which ought not to engross the attention of the

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

of the House of Representatives:

I lay before you an official statement of the expenditure to the end of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, from the sum of ten thousand dollars, granted to defray the contingent expenses of Government, by an act passed on the twenty-sixth of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.

G. WASHINGTON. UNITED STATES, January 7, 1794. The said Message and statement were read, and ordered to lie on the table.

Another Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Gentlemen of the Senate, and

of the House of Representatives: Experience has shown that it would be useful to have an officer particularly charged, under the direction of the Department of War, with the duties of receiving, safe-keeping, and distributing the public supplies, in all

cases in which the laws and the course of service do not

devolve them upon other officers; and also, with that of superintending, in all cases, the issues in detail of supplies, with power for that purpose to bring to account all persons intrusted to make such issues in relation thereto. An establishment of this nature, by securing a regular and punctual accountability for the issues of public supplies, would be a great guard against abuse, would tend to insure their due application, and to give public satisfaction on that point.

House, when it was their duty to discuss matters of infinitely greater consequence. If we are to alter the Flag from thirteen to fifteen stripes, with tucky have been added, we may go on adding and two additional stars, because Vermont and Kenaltering at this rate for one hundred years to come. It is very likely, before fifteen years elapse, we shall consist of twenty States. The Flag ought to be permanent.

Mr. LYMAN was of a different opinion. He thought it of the greatest consequence not to of fend the new States.

Mr. THATCHER ridiculed the idea of being at so much trouble, as a consummate specimen of frivolity. At this rate, every State should alter its public seal when an additional county or township was formed. He was sorry to see the House take their time with such trifles. up Mr. GREENUP considered it of very great consequence to inform the rest of the world that we had now two additional States.

Mr. NILES was very sorry that such a matter should even for a moment have hindered the House from going into more important affairs. He did not think the alteration either worth the trouble of adopting or rejecting; but he supposed that the shortest way to get rid of it was to agree to it, and for that reason, and no other, he advised to pass it as soon as possible. The Committee agreed to it, and the Chairman reported the bill. The House then took it up.


JANUARY, 1794.]


Mr. BOUDINOT thought it of consequence to keep the citizens of Vermont and Kentucky in good humor. They might be affronted at our rejecting the bill.

Mr. GOODHUE said, he felt for the honor of the House, when spending their time on such sort of business. But, since it must be passed, he had only to beg this favor, that it might not appear upon the journals, and go into the world as the first of the bills passed this session.

Mr. MADISON was for the bill passing. Mr. GILES thought it very proper that the idea should be preserved of the number of our States, and the number of stripes corresponding. The expense was but trifling, compared with that of forming the Government of a new State.

Mr. SMITH said, that this alteration would cost him five hundred dollars, and every vessel in the Union sixty. He could not conceive what the Senate meant by sending them such bills. He supposed that it must be for want of something better to do. He should indulge them, but let us have no more alterations of this sort. Let the Flag be permanent.

It was ordered that the bill be read a third time to-morrow.

A motion was then made for publishing the resolutions of the House concerning the Algerine business.

Mr. WADSWORTH recommended publicity. He said that their talking so much about secrecy made the world believe they really had a secret, It reminded him of when in fact they had none. a story in the last war. They intended a secret expedition into Canada; but unluckily they let a clergyman into the story, and he next Sunday offered up his prayers from the pulpit for its success, which put an end to it. The House agreed to the publication of the resolutions.

[H. OF R.

an alteration in the Flag of the United
States," was read the third time.

Mr. B. BOURNE moved that it should be refer-
red to a select committee.

Mr. WATTS seconded the motion. He said his object was, to have a clause added to establish the Flag of the United States, so that in case of new accessions to the Union, future applications for alterations may be precluded; he added, that he supposed the title of the bill, should the amendment he proposed take place, ought to be a bill to establish the Flag of the United States.

The motion for a reference to a select committee being put, was negatived-49 to 39.

Mr. W. then moved that the bill should be recommitted to the Committee of the Whole, for the purpose of introducing a clause to fix, for ever, the Flag of the United States. This motion was lost.

And, on the question that the bill do pass, it was resolved in the affirmative-yeas 50, nays 42, as follows:

YEAS. James Armstrong, Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, Thomas Blount, Thomas P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Thomas Claiborne, William J. Dawson, Henry Dearborn, George Dent, Samuel Dexter, William Findley, William B. Giles, Christopher Greenup, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, George Hancock, Carter B. Harrison, Thomas Hartley, John Heath, Daniel Heister, John Hunter, William Irvine, William Lyman, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Joseph M'Dowell, William Montgomery, Andrew Moore, Peter Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Nathaniel Niles, Alexander D. Orr, Josiah Parker, Andrew Pickins, Francis Preston, Robert Rutherford, Thomas Scott, John Smilie, Israel Smith, Samuel Smith, Thomas Tredwell, Philip Van Cortlandt, Abraham Venable, Francis Walker, Benjamin Williams, Richard Winn, and Joseph Winston.

NAYS.-Fisher Ames, John Beatty, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Lambert Cad

Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy imposed by the House, so far as relates to the reso-walader, Abraham Clark, David Cobb, Peleg Coffin, lutions agreed to on Thursday last, on the subject of the confidential communications from the PRESIDENT, respecting the measures which have been pursued for obtaining a recognition of the Treaty between the United States and Morocco, and for the ransom of prisoners, and establishment of peace with the Algerines, be removed, and that the said resolutions be published.

Ordered, That a committee be appointed to seleet such parts of the PRESIDENT'S Communications, respecting the Regency of Algiers, as his Letter, accompanying said Communications, suggests it would be proper to keep secret, and that they report the same to the House.

Ordered, That a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill for regulating Pilots in the bay and river Delaware, and for the establishment and support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers; and that Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, Mr. FITZSIMONS, and Mr. HILLHOUSE, be the said


WEDNESDAY, January 8.

Joshua Coit, Isaac Coles, Thomas Fitzsimons, Uriah
Forrest, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, James Gillespie,
Nicholas Gilman, Henry Glenn, Benjamin Goodhue,
James Hillhouse, Samuel Holten, Amasa Learned,
Richard Bland Lee, Mathew Locke, Francis Malbone,
Alexander Mebane, Joseph Neville, John S. Sherburne,
las Talbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Jonathan
Jeremiah Smith, Thomas Sprigg, Zephaniah Swift, Si-
Trumbull, John E. Van Allen, Peter Van Gaasbeck,
Peleg Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Artemas
Ward, John Watts, and Paine Wingate.

Mr. IRVINE, from the committee appointed to be made in the ration now allowed to the troops report whether any, and what, alteration ought to of the United States, made a report; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the bill providing for destroyed certificates of certain descriptions; and, after some time spent therein, the Chairman reported that the Committee had again had the said bill under consideration, and made several amendments thereto.

Ordered, That the said bill, with the amend

The bill sent from the Senate, entitled "An act ments, do lie on the table.

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