them by the Powers with whom they are not at war. The American bottoms must be better; and our fleet will most likely have its station between Oran and Malaga, and, stretching across between those two ports, block up the mouth of the Straits. He adverted to the mistake of Mr. BALDWIN, who had said that Spain never attempted to block up the Straits; the proper answer to which was, that Spain had an extensive coast, not less than four or five hundred miles, within the Mediterranean; so that she was quite differently situated, with regard to them, from America. Mr. S. mentioned, as a consolatory circumstance, that our profit was twice as great at present, ent, in commerce, as it was before the war, in spite of all the spoliations committed by Britain and by Spain; and, if the war continues, the profits will continue to multiply twice as fast as they would otherwise do. As an evidence of this fact, he mentioned the high price of wheat at present in this market, and asked whether any gentleman had heard of a price so high at this season of the year before? A gentleman [Mr. NICHOLAS] had spoken of an Algerine militia. Why, sir, (said Mr. S.,) I shall set down against them the American militia, and so that account is settled. He estimated that the whole American exports and imports, in round numbers, was twenty millions of dollars each; and that the extra insurance on account of the Algerines, from one end of the year to the other, would not be less than five per cent. on the whole; which was, altogether, two millions of dollars. From this Mr. S. inferred that it must be the very worst kind of economy to hazard an expense of two millions of dollars of insurance, for the sake of saving the charges of this armament. He did not see it improbable that the Algerines might very soon be on our coast, under the command of British or American renegadoes. It was nothing uncommon, among seamen, for two captains to be in the greatest friendship to-day, and plundering each other's vessels to-morrow. As an example of what Americans, in particular, are capable of doing, he repeated the history of a Mr. Cooper, of Virginia, who, some years ago, fitted out a ship for the express purpose of cruising against American vessels bound from or to the East Indies. He sent a person into the harbor of Algiers to solicit a commission from the Dey, and this Envoy had very near been taken prisoner, as the Dey wanted to have made a slave of him. Mr. S. said that Mr. Cooper was known to be a man of courage, of perseverance, and as possessing that species of intellectual resources which qualify an adventurer for bold undertakings. He inferred, from this anecdote, that, if Mr. Cooper, a man of respectable birth and connexions, could form such a scheme, what was not to be feared from the common set of seamen? He could not tell where the danger might end; nor did he know whether Philadelphia itself would be in safety. They might speak of their forts as much as they pleased; he knew their force, and did not much value it. The British had gone past them, and what was to hinder the Algerines, or such a man as Mr. Cooper, from getting past them? Were he on the coast

[FEBRUARY, 1794.

of an enemy, he should not have the least scruple of engaging to run a ship by such forts, when there was in view so great a prospect as the plunder of Philadelphia. He strongly pressed the necessity of sending out the proposed fleet as quickly as possible.

Mr. AMES attacked the mover of the resolutions on the Report of the Secretary [Mr. MADISON] for not displaying in the affair of the Algerines some part of the spirit which he had exerted on the other occasion. He thought it shameful to buy a peace, and that there could be no security, if we did. He recommended an armament. Portugal had shown herself friendly; and, referring to what Mr. CLARK had stated, he was of opinion opinio she would give our ships shelter in her ports. He thought that six stout frigates at the mouth of the Straits would do the business. He went at considerable length into Mr. MADISON's resolutions, and condemned, upon various grounds, the arguments and conduct of the gentlemen who supported them. Yesterday, we were told that Britain durst not quarrel with America, and to-day she is represented as ready to do it. Our commerce is on the point of being annihilated, and, unless an armament is fitted out, we may very soon expect the Algerines on the coast of America.

Mr. GILES, in reply, said that Mr. AMES drew inconsistent pictures. One day he represented the American commerce at the summit of prosperity; the next, it was reduced to nothing. In defence of the commercial regulations, he reminded the House that Britain, and not Algiers, was the real object of alarm, and the real source of hostility. It It was, therefore, proper to provide remedies against both of these illustrious confederates. Algiers was but the instrument, Britain was the cause. The reliance of Britain upon this instrument plainly showed that she was not equal to a war and a commercial contest. She had, therefore, turned loose the Algerines upon us-a fact which is pretty generally acknowledged on both sides of the House. It is, therefore, in the power of Britain to prevent the progress of these pirates. The commercial restrictions will reduce Britain to difficulty, and she will then, for the sake of friendship with America, be glad to put a stop to the Algerine ravages. Until some measure of this kind has been adopted, Britain, as she has raised up Algiers, will keep her up. The cheapest mode of getting peace will certainly be by embracing the commercial regulations. Mr. G. was averse to the proposal of a fleet. He agreed very much with the gentleman from New Jersey, [Mr. CLARK,] that it would be a better expedient to hire the fleet of Portugal. He considered the establishment of a maritime force as having a direct tendency to war; whereas, the commercial restrictions had the same tendency to peace. The sending of American armed ships into the midst of the fleets of Europe would certainly produce a quarrel. It had been well remarked, [by Mr. CLARK,] that, if an attempt was made to search our ships of war, like our merchantmen, it would infallibly produce a public affront, and consequent hostilities.

There were two months during that time, when they were restrained by their religion from piratical excursions. The Committee had been told, that the Portuguese are ready to assist us. There is ground to expect this assistance, but not to depend upon it. Two American frigates, along with the Portuguese vessels, would be fully equal to the task of curbing the Algerines. As to militia, he could not see of what consequence they could be in a naval contest. With regard to expense, he stated a very important fact. The United States import, annually, two millions of bushels of salt from these countries, which the Algerines will

cut off from our commerce. The rise on that article must then be at least one dollar per bushel; which is a tax of two millions of dollars at once, or three times the expense of the armament. Probably, however, the loss may extend to four millions of dollars on this single article of salt, in one year only; a sum which would keep up the fleet a long time. We have been trying to buy a peace, but without success; and if we are not able to enforce it, the price of buying it must be so much the higher. As soon as Portugal is left to herself, she will certainly protect us, because it is much for her interest to do so. At present, she cannot, perhaps, from the influence of the combined Powers. Mr. F., therefore, recommended an armament in the mean time.

Mr. SMILIE objected to this measure, because it was unequal to the task. Britain would assist the Algerines underhandedly, as she did an enemy in another quarter, and would continue to do so. He did not think she was shameless enough to own it, but she would do it. He spoke at some length. Mr. NICHOLAS went on the same ground. He said that Britain had not been content with striking up a truce for Portugal, that the Algerines might be let loose on American commerce, but her Minister at the Court of Lisbon had endeavored to prevent our vessels from obtaining a Portuguese convoy. Not content with insuring a loss to America, she had striven to make that loss immediate. As to the duration of the truce, it could not last long, for the Queen of Portugal had, in fact, broken it already. She had declared that the trade to that country should pass unmolested; to which condition it was not likely that the Algerines would consent. The Portuguese nobility had clamored at the acceptance of a truce. So that, on the whole, it could hardly last long. A naval force was a very expensive affair. The greater part of the immense debt of England had been lavished on her navy. He was against building a navy.

Mr. SWIFT had been always sensible that the situation of this country was not fit for war. We have a very heavy debt; but still it is better to bear debts than depredations. A gentleman of extensive information [Mr. S. SMITH, in yesterday's debate] had stated the rise of insurance as much less than the armament would cost. Britain had always more dependence on her navy, than on the immense sums that she pays to these Barbarians. Mr. S. had no doubt that the proposed fleet would have its intended effect. He despair

[FEBRUARY, 1794.

ed of either buying a truce or buying an ally. As to the militia of Algiers, they could not be brought into action against frigates. He considered the charge of hiring the Algerines, as an unfounded accusation on the honor of Britain. He could not bring himself to believe that she was capable of a conduct so exceedingly disgraceful. He had no direct evidence to convince. It might be objected to this armament, that it would augment the National Debt and throw too much influence into the hands of the Executive Government. But the same objection might be started against every armament whatever.

Mr. MURRAY said, the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MADISON,] yesterday observed that he was not a little surprised that those who a few days since had appeared so alarmed at the phantom of war, should on this question appear so willing to meet it. He would remark that those gentlemen were alarmed at a shadow which appeared followed by the substance of war and were unwilling to do anything that might lead to a war that did not yet exist. But we were now at war with Algiers, and had no choice. They had been at war with the United States ever since the end of the Revolutionary war. The Spaniards and Portuguese kept them within the Mediterranean. Gentlemen who are averse to the report, hold up two substitute measures: one, which was suggested, and has been argued by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MADISON,] is, that we ought to grant a sum to Portugal for her protection of our trade. The other is, that commercial regulations will accomplish our protection. He liked neither. The last, if permanent, will withdraw all temptation from Great Britain to interpose her good offices. The first is worse; it is subsidizing Portugal at the expense of our own people, and that too without security. Gentlemen would make it the interest of Portugal to make such breaches of truce as would occasionally withdraw protection, and oblige us to subsidize her higher. It would create a disgraceful dependence on a foreign Power, and weaken the spirit of our marine; whereas, if you fit out frigates, you employ your money in nourishing the roots of your own industry; you encourage your own ship-building, lumber, and victualing business. He believed, that however true might be the suspicion of British interference in Indian affairs, and he feared it was too true, he did not believe the evidence as to Algerine interference strong enough to induce an argument against the report, under supposition that as Great Britain had effected the truce, so she would aid Algiers against us. He thought so, because it was not now as much her interest as it was in times of peace. In times of peace, had she let loose the Algerines, her own navigation would have been enabled to carry for us, but now it would be molested by the French. He did not believe nations, more than persons, would do wrong purely out of evil designs devoid of interest; the greatest villian would not. At present, their ships are liable to attack from the French, and he had it from good authority, that so far were the British from having advantaged themselves if they had been so base,

a

FEBRUARY, 1794.]

[H. or R.

tion of foreign coals, or such encouragement given to the opening of coal mines within the United States, as to the wisdom of Congress shall seem meet.

ing, they would listen to peace, accompanied by money. Spain, it was true, had purchased a peace, but there was a hereditary inveteracy against Spain, and a facility of attacking her shores which we need not fear, so it was her interest to buy a peace when war could bring her nothing but a glory that almost disgraced her armies; as to jealousy of power in the Executive, he hoped to see a proper equipoise in the powers of this Government; but, when proper occasions occurred, he hoped Congress would never refuse the adequate means to enable the Executive to discharge its Constitutional duties.

Mr. GOODHUE observed, that the Committee had carefully looked over the statement of the marine force of Algiers for several years back, and had no reason to doubt that the six vessels would be equal to the purpose intended. There was no ground to suppose Algiers would have more force at present than she had during her war with Portugal. He had no doubt that the Algerines were let loose on the American commerce to prevent supplies going to France, and while the war lasts, we shall not be able to buy a peace. It is said, that the truce was but for a year, and in six months it will expire. He did not wish to depend on that when the evil is so great. And why depend on Portugal? She is more under the influence of Britain than any other nation in Europe. When Britain has been at the trouble of stipulating a peace for Portugal, will she suffer that nation to assist us? Certainly not. Or is it wise to stand by and depend upon such a resource?

Mr. MADISON said, that gentlemen thought so differently on this subject, and advanced arguments against his side of the question of such a different nature, that it was difficult or impossible to give them an answer. He then proceeded to quote the speech of Mr. GOODHUE; when that gentletleman rose to explain. Mr. M. then proceeded to notice the speeches of Mr. FITZSIMONS and Mr. S. SMITH. Both of these gentlemen were up more than once to explain, as having been misquoted. In a speech of considerable length, he was not suffered long to proceed without interruptions of explanation. This produced a scene of altercation. One circumstance, however, was mentioned by Mr. FITZSIMONS that deserves particular notice. From April to December next, he said, the insurance on American ships from England and the rest of Europe, will not be less than twenty-five per cent. of their value on account of the Algerines.

The House now adjourned, without taking any question.

MONDAY, February 10.

A memorial of Samuel Swann, of the city of Richmond, in behalf of himself and others, was presented to the House and read, praying that an additional duty may be imposed on the importa

to Mr. WATTS, Mr. Cort, and Mr. HINDMAN; that they do examine the matter thereof, and report the same, with their opinion thereupon.

The House proceeded to consider the amendment proposed by the Senate to the bill, entitled "An act providing for the relief of such of the inhabitants of Saint Domingo, resident within the United States, as may be found in want of support."

Resolved, That this House doth agree to the said amendment.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a Letter from the Treasurer of the United States, accompanying his account of the receipts and expenditures for the War Department, from the 1st of July to the 31st of December, 1793, inclusive; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table.

DELAWARE CONTESTED ELECTION.

Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, from the Standing Committee of Elections, to whom was referred the petition of Henry Latimer, of the State of Delaware, complaining of an undue election and return of John Patton, to serve as a member of this House, for the said State, made the following report:

"That the said Henry Latimer complains of the illegality of the said election on the following grounds, to wit: that the Legislature of the State of Delaware, in pursuance of the Constitution of the United States, passed an act on the 26th of October, 1790, directing the election of a Representative for the said State in the Congress of the United States, by which it is enacted that every person coming to vote for a Representative, agreeably to the directions of the said act, shall deliver, in writing, on one ticket, or piece of paper, the names of two persons, inhabitants of the State, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same county with himself, to be voted for as Representative.

"That, at the said election in Newcastle county, a number of votes or tickets, containing the names of the said Henry Latimer and Solomon Maxwell, both inhabitants of the same county, were by the Judges of the said election, deemed illegal, and rejected.

"That, at the said election in Kent county, four votes or tickets, containing the names of the said Henry Latimer and George Truit, both inhabitants of Newcastle county, were, by the Judges of the election, rejected as illegal.

"That, at the election in Sussex county, a number of votes or tickets, not less than fifty, containing the name of John Patton only, as the Representative of the said State, were received by the Judges of the election, polled, counted, and included in the return of the said election; that, in consequence of the rejection of the said votes in Kent county, and the reception of the votes before mentioned in Sussex county, the said John Patton was returned as exceeding the said Henry Latimer thirty, in number of votes.

"The committee find that the law of the State of Delaware, for regulating the election of a member to this House, contains the regulation stated in the petition, and that the said John Patton was returned to the