springs of labour. There was, however, Stamp duty on a sale of land ofƒ Ditto on a sale of Ditto on a sale of Ditto on a sale of Ditto on one above £ £ 8. 50 value was 12 10 d. 2 10 0 3 500 value, only 1 0 himself of any means of increasing his profit to the detriment of the revenue; and that officers by every mode of deceit and every description of were easily induced to facilitate such attempts falsehood. Indeed, we were forced, very early in our inquiries, to feel a distrust of the integrity of the officers, and of the efficiency of the system. The previous high character and estimation of an officer appeared to be no guarantee for his honour and integrity." 0 per ct. So much for the moral influence of indi500 rect and overstrained taxation! As to the relative cost of the two systems, he (Mr. Ewart) maintained that a direct tax on property would be far more economically collected than a great portion of the present taxes. He thought that this might be inferred from the relative percentage cost of the different sources of revenue, as given in the ordinary finance accounts annually laid before Parliament. Taking the finance accounts just printed for 1847, he found that So, in the case of mortgages, the law prevented the poorer individual from obtaining equal facilities with his more wealthy fellow-countrymen. The stamp duty on a Ditto on a 20,000 ditto duty on the mortgage for 50l. was eighty So far, therefore, it appeared that the direct revenue of the country was raised more cheaply than the indirect revenue. This result would probably appear more manifest, if the revenue accounts gave any means of separating the property tax from the land and assessed taxes. But this they did not do. Now he (Mr. Ewart) maintained this proposition-that, as the capiincreased, the collection of a large part of tal of the country yearly, and even daily, the revenue derived from it must become cheaper and cheaper to the public. Accumulated capital must be invested. If invested, whether in mortgages, canals, it could be taxed in transitu. In such railways, or any other public undertakings, their immoral influence in his view of the tobacco trade. In the soap trade, in the paper trade, in the spirit trade, fraud was proportionately prevalent. It was the inevitable result of a heavy system of indirect taxation. But he had found in one of their own Parliamentary documents an admission respecting the immoral influence of the Customs duties, for which he had not been prepared. In the year 1844, in consequence of extensive frauds in the Cus-cases, no staff of officers was required, no interference with trade. The Government toms department, involving the characters of its officers, a Commission of revenue inquiry was appointed. The following was a part of their report, bearing the signatures of G. H. Somerset, W. E. Gladstone, W. B. Baring, J. M. Gaskell, A. Pringle-all, at that time, Ministers of the Crown: "In respect of the great revenue articles of tobacco, spirits, and wine, as well as of many imports on which high duties are leviable sufficient disclosures have been made to show that the fraudulent trader has not failed to avail gathered its revenue as the profits passed What ever were the issue, he sought for consolation (and he found it) in what he believed to be the soundness of his principles, and what he knew to be the purity of his motives. The hon. Gentleman then moved "That it is expedient that a more direct system of Taxation on property should (as far as possible) be substituted for the indirect system (by Customs and Excise Duties) now in use: 66 That such a change would, by removing restrictions caused by the Excise, encourage trade, and the free application of science to trade: That, by removing the restrictions caused by Customs Duties, it would extend commerce, and be the most natural means of prolonging the peace, by promoting the intercourse, of the world: he hailed a diminution of our system of indi- | dered change. The aridity of the subject rect taxation as a great financial instru- might have wearied an unwilling audience. ment of international peace. Let him be He knew not how he might be answered allowed to quote, on this part of the sub-in the House or in the country. ject, the address of the Free-trade Association of Bordeaux to Lord John Russell:"When (they say), in the beginning of the last year, Sir Robert Peel presented to the British Parliament his great commercial measures, he expressed his belief that England's example, as regards free trade, would be followed by other nations. Sir Robert Peel's speech had no sooner reached Bordeaux, than it produced a deep sensation, and a general desire of making further and more vigorous efforts to obtain the adoption in France of the principles of free trade.” He (Mr. Ewart) rejoiced to hear such language from one of the leading interests of a great country, with which the sympathy produced by congenial institutions, and, he believed, the will of Providence, tended to unite us, interrupted in vain by the by giving them more abundant means of subsistforce of hereditary prejudice and the mis-ence and of employment; and would tend generchievous meddling of diplomacy. Let us, ally and finally to the good of all classes of the then, take freely the wines of France; and community.” let us, on the same pacific principle, admit the tobacco of the United States, strengthening the bonds which already connected our land with theirs, and adding the produce of Virginia to the cotton and corn of their southern and western districts. So, bind Holland to you by the bonds of peace, and let her dairy produce feed your impoverished people. The ever memorable words of Mr. Pitt recurred to his mind; they were those with which he introduced his commercial treaty with France:— "To suppose that one nation is to be unalterably the enemy of another, is weak and childish. It neither has its origin in the experience of nations, nor in the history of man. It is a libel on the constitution of political societies, and supposes the existence of diabolical malice in the original frame of man." That it would be highly beneficial to the poor, (who now pay the great mass of indirect Taxation,) The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER felt confident that he expressed the opinion of the whole House when he said that it was quite unnecessary for the hon. Member (Mr. Ewart) to say anything in defence of the purity of his motives. He believed that there was no man who stood less in need of any defence on that score, as every one knew the disinterested motives which always actuated his hon. Friend; and certainly it was impossible to overrate the importance of the subject he had brought before the House. At the same time, he hoped his hon. Friend would not consider it any disrespect to him if he declined to follow his hon. Friend into the details of the various points he had brought under the notice of the House, On all these grounds he (Mr. Ewart) in- relating to almost every article of taxation treated the House to explore and see if in the Customs, the Excise, and the they could not amend, with benefit to the Stamps and Taxes. It was evident that poor, with benefit to commerce, with bene- in the course of next Session it would be fit to the nation and the world at large, his duty to bring before the House the their system of taxation. The labour which subject of taxation-that it would be inthey taxed was the most sacred part of dispensably necessary to deal one way or the property of this country. Accumu- another with one great item of taxationlated wealth ought to bear its part. It he meant the income tax; and that it would do no harm if something were de- would then be for the House to consider tracted from superfluous luxury, to add the question of the permanence, and persomething to productive labour. He haps the increase of the system of direct, thought that even the artificial habits of as contradistinguished from indirect taxaour richer classes might be made more tion. It would be obvious, therefore, to simple and more frugal, if they bore a every one, that it would not be proper on more equal share of the general taxation. the present occasion to say anything which Finally, he asked for no sudden and dan- would indicate the course which-supposgerous, but for a wise and well-consi-ing that he continued to hold his present situation he might consider it his duty to | sent Members into that House without intake on this question. His hon. Friend structing and requiring them to reduce the had satisfactorily proved that there was no expenditure of the country, the fault was tax against which some plausible objection their own if it was not reduced. It had might not be made; and he was certainly been said a league was formed to put down not sanguine enough to expect that he the Excise duties. He wished them all would be able to do what so many of his success; but they would do well to look to predecessors had failed in doing-he meant what had been done by the Anti-Corn-Law make taxation of any kind palatable. He League. Let them look to the elections assured the House, however, that it was that were coming on, and make a point of his anxious desire to see our taxation put supporting no candidate who would not on a footing the least oppressive to those pledge himself to a reduction of taxation, who paid the taxes; and to foster industry as well as a change in the mode of taxation. and commerce to the greatest degree of He believed that great injury was done to which they were susceptible. Beyond this trade by the manner in which taxes were general explanation he thought it better to at present collected. No individual, for abstain from saying more on the present instance, could employ himself in the burnoccasion; and after the full and able way ing of bricks without being liable to be in which the hon. Member had submitted brought under the lash of the Excise. his views on the subject of taxation, he Then there were the restrictions on the thought it very desirable that the subject manufacture of paper. He saw no reason should not be prolonged. why this country should not manufacture MR. R. YORKE trusted that after what paper for the whole world, seeing we poshad just been stated by the Chancellor of sessed such natural facilities for it; and the Exchequer, the hon. Member would yet the vexatious interference of the Exwithdraw his Motion, and permit the House cise prevented this being done. He hoped, to proceed to the business of the evening. that in whatever changes were contemMR. HUME said, that as the business plated by the Chancellor of the Excheof the evening was to vote away the public quer, the abolition of the duties on paper, money, it was of great importance to con- soap, and bricks, would be included. He sider how the taxes should be levied from would also recommend an early considerthe public; and, therefore, he thought his ation of the reduction of the expenditure of hon. Friend had taken a most appropriate the country. The income of the country, step in introducing his present Motion. he felt confident, was at present diminishHe (Mr. Hume) thought the time had come ing every hour. It was impossible, from when the House ought to consider how the state of manufactures, but that the they could raise the largest amount of revenue derived from the Excise duties money at the least expense. He had no must be diminishing. Why not, as one doubt that the Chancellor of the Exche-item, withdraw our naval force from the quer must be desirous to be relieved from the importunities to which he was subjected with reference to particular taxes, especially Excise taxes. Nothing could be more unsatisfactory than for a Legislature which professed a desire to improve the moral condition of the people to keep up a system of taxation which created immorality every hour of the day, and which the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with all his power, could not put down. His hon. Friend, therefore, had done right, he thought, in bringing the subject before the House, and in giving an opportunity to hon. Members to express their opinions on it. It was true the question would come before another House of Commons; and his principal reason for rising at that moment was to say that it depended on the people themselves whether any improvement should take place. If the people coast of Africa, where it was of no use? This would be one important reduction ; and there were many others which might be effected with equal advantage. MR. WILLIAMS fully concurred in the necessity of an alteration of a system of taxation by which upwards of fifty millions per annum was taken from the pockets of the working classes. The hon. Member for Montrose had talked of bricks, and soap, and paper; but the tax on those articles only amounted to 2,000,000l. sterling. It was not such matters, but the expenditure of the country which ought to have the first consideration of the Government. What was the state of the expenditure when the right hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth laid before the House the estimates for 1835? Why, it 7,000,000l. sterling less than the estimates of this year. He should like to was would ask, were labouring men to toil and sweat, and experience the greatest possible difficulty in providing for themselves and their families, and then have more than half their wages taken from them in taxes on the necessaries of life which they could not avoid paying? He would not then detain the House by any further remarks, as he understood that this Motion was to have no result whatever. He could have wished the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ewart) had brought forward his Motion in such a way as to test the opinion of the House; but that could not now be done, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer had given them a hope that he would revise the system. He hoped next year_the_right hon. Gentleman would redeem that pledge; but he confessed, from the experience of the past, he had no sanguine hope that that pledge would be redeemed. The time, however, was coming when the present state of things would no longer be endured. COLONEL SIBTHORP remarked, that the hon. Member for Coventry was so constantly declaiming on the subject, and was so dissatisfied with every item in the way of expenditure, whether by the late or the present Government, that he (Colonel Sibthorp) had become convinced that he would never be satisfied until he became Chancellor of the Exchequer himself. know from the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer some reason for this vast increase. Nor would he take the year he mentioned alone; an average of five years would show an equal increase. Let them return to the expenditure of 1835, and they would save not only the duty on the three articles on which the hon. Member for Montrose laid such stress, but the income tax besides. He begged to remind the Chancellor of the Exchequer that in all reductions of taxes which had hitherto taken place, the revenue had never fallen off more than a third on the particular article reduced; generally much less, and often there was no loss at all; and therefore the right hon. Gentleman might reduce taxation without fear to a great extent contemporaneously with a reduction of expenditure. The country had therefore a right to call on the Government to reduce the expenditure. Why not go back to that of the year he had taken for an example? But it would appear that the country was always to be governed by a wasteful extravagance of expenditure. He remembered when Lord Grey's Government succeeded that of the right hon. Member for Tamworth, a reduction of 1,000,000l. sterling was made in the estimates; but the present Government, in replacing the right hon. Baronet, made no such efforts. In speaking of the taxation, it must always be remembered that the sums dealt with in Parliament was the net amount; the cost of levying the taxation, which amounted annually to 4,500,000l., in its progress from the taxpayer to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was always deducted. This was a state of things the present Government, or at least the leading Members of that Government, had declared, by a resolution signed by themselves, to be most injurious to the public interest; yet, when the hon. Member for Bolton brought forward his Motion to abolish or mitigate the evil, they voted unanimously against it. The working classes were the consumers of the principal articles of taxation, and he would say that such an enormous reduction from their hard-earned wages could not long be submitted to. The hon. Member for Montrose said that the people had it in their own hands, and that they ought to reject all candidates who would not pledge themselves to reduce the amount and alter the manner of taxation; but, unfortunately, the people had no such power; and until they had a more extended power in their hands there was no hope for them. He MR. EWART said, that believing good would be done by the public attention being called to the subject by the present discussion, and being desirous that the subject should be fully considered by that House and the public, he begged in the meantime to withdraw his Motion. Motion withdrawn. House in Committee. SUPPLY-THE MINT. On the question, that a sum of 77,8061. be granted to defray the expenses of the Mint, MR. HUME complained of the great expense of this department. From a return lately laid upon the Table of that House, it appeared that for the recoinage of 11,000,000l. the public had been subjected to a surcharge of 43,000l. He was anxious, therefore, to see this department placed in a condition in which so large an expenditure would not be incurred; and he had determined to oppose any further proceeding without an inquiry-seeing that the public were put to an unnecessarily large expense, and believing that the establishment did not answer the purpose for MR. HUME observed, that since the period referred to by the right hon. Gen which it was intended-and it was with tion on the moral character of the officers great reluctance that he had come to the of the Mint, which stood as high as that of determination not to press his Amendment. any persons employed in other departments He contended that they were not warranted of the Government. The hon. Member in paying away such large sums for an es- complained of the coinage of 11,000,0007., tablishment which ought to maintain itself. having cost 67,000l.; but in 1774 the In France, in America, and in many other coinage of 15,000,000l. cost 758,000l. countries, the Government was put to comparatively little expense in connexion with the coinage. In a former Session a Com-tleman, the Mint had been supplied with mittee was appointed to inquire into the improved apparatus, at an enormous exmode of transacting business at the Mint, pense. and the evidence taken before that Committee established the existence of abuses which it would be easy to remove. It would afford him pleasure to know that every ounce of silver imported into this country was coined into British crowns, and he knew of no reason why the circulation of such a coinage throughout the world should not be co-extensive with the commerce of England. In the present state of public business, he would not oppose the vote before the Committee; but he hoped that the Government would direct its attention to the points to which he had adverted. MR. SHEIL said, that the Committee to which the hon. Member for Montrose had alluded, and which sat in 1837, made no report to the House; if, therefore, they discovered the existence of any abuses in the management of the Mint, they had left no record of their opinion on the subject. Should the hon. Member be disposed to move for the reappointment of the Committee, the Government would offer no objection to the proposition. It was true that in other countries the expense of the Mint was not so great; but, as Sir T. Atkinson had well stated before the Committee to which he had alluded, neither were salaries generally so high in those countries. At all events security to the public property had been obtained, and that he thought a great point. He did feel that some improvement might be made in the appointment of officers and apprentices; but the circumstance that no loss had ever been sustained by the public, notwithstanding the enormous sums which had been coined, ought not to be lost sight of by any Committee which might be appointed. MR. HUME disclaimed the intention of impugning in the least degree the integrity and honour of the officers of the Mint; all he complained of was the system which permitted those parties to overcharge the public 43,000l. in an account of 67,0001. MR. SHEIL was happy to find that the hon. Member intended to cast no imputa MR. WILLIAMS said, the objection was that the Mint was in the hands of a private company instead of that of Government; and that, therefore, there was no necessity for an inquiry. The importance of the Government having this in their own hands was perceptible, when they looked at any great crisis, such as that in 1825, when the demand on the Bank of England for coin was so tremendous. No doubt the Mint did make as much exertion as it was possible to be made, and coined an immense quantity of gold in a short time; but it ought to be in the hands of the Government. As to the security talked of by the right hon. Gentleman, no doubt it would be as secure in the hands of Government as in that of any private company. He hoped that the Government would direct its attention to the subject. SIR G. CLERK said, the hon. Member for Coventry talked as though they were at the mercy of a private company when a large issue was required; but he thought the experience of the period of 1825 showed that company as anxious to do its duty as any one could be. They were merely contractors; and the system in this country was the same as that in France, Holland, and in all others, except, he believed, the United States. They contracted for the expense of the fabrication of the coin; that contract might be too advantageous to the contractor; and, if so, that, he conceived, would be a question for the Master of the Mint to consider. The hon. Member for Montrose had talked of the charge on coining 11,000,0007.; and no doubt if that sum were coined every year, it was possible the price would bear reduction, but the quantity and period of work was uncertain. There might be intervals of months or years without work, and during all that time the contractors had a large capital lying unproductive. MR. HUME did not know of any capital. Formerly they used public materials for their private assays, but that had been |