This parish is an agricultural parish, containing a population of 7,313 souls, five and a half miles long by about three broad, a great part of Its pothe land of which is of a boggy nature. pulation has been hitherto supported by weaving, carried on in their own houses. The weaver, at present, can only raise, by weaving a web of sixty yards, from 2s. 6d. to 4s. 6d., which employs him nearly a whole week in preparation, while, at present prices, such wages will not support the mere weaver without a family. Even with these wages, I can state it as a fact, having come under my own immediate observation, that weavers are sitting up three nights per week, in order, by any means, to provide food for their families. There is scarcely a family in the parish, in which there is not some one or more members of the family good feeling into the relations of the la- the people of Ireland, he must say that he bourers and the employers, it would be thought that there were peculiar arguments found productive of discord and controversy, against the measure as applicable to that and consequently would be productive of country. No one could look at the condiinjury to the manufacturing interests. It tion of the people of Ireland, without seehad been proposed to try the operation of ing that hours of labour pushed beyond a the measure for three years; but he (Mr. degree that was easily endurable, was not Labouchere) did not think it was of a na- the worst evil that could befall a labouring ture to admit of being tried as an experi- population. His attention had been rement-he thought it would, if carried into cently called to the condition of the handeffect, work insidiously, and by the time loom weavers in the province of Ulster; the public mind was awakened to its re- and this was the account which he had results the mischief would be found to be ir-ceived from a clergyman, of the state of reparably done. If the House reflected on things in his own parish:the manner in which the Bill would work, they would find that it was not at once the evil would affect the producer. Its first effect might be to raise the price of manufactured goods, and thus to give a certain stimulus to those employed, and cause additional capital to be employed in those branches until the void suddenly caused was filled up, which it assuredly would be, and then our manufacturers would have to contend with foreign manufacturers who had no such restrictions as to hours of labour. What was the object of the Bill? To render it impossible that our adult population in the factories should be employ-sitting up nightly. I have seen them, in returned more than ten hours a day. That was not on the face of the Bill, but it was quite evident that such would be the effect of the measure if carried; and he would do the justice to its supporters of saying, they did not deny that such would be the effect of the Bill. The subject had been frequently discussed during the debate, as to whether this Bill was a question of principle or degree. For his part, he could not regard it as a question of principle, for he had frequently sanctioned by his vote an interference with factory labour, when it could be done in a safe and liberal manner, and was calculated to confer benefit. The question now before them was of a different nature; there was no doubt that the manufacturers of America and Germany could employ their operatives for twelve hours a day; and the House was now to consider the effect of declaring that our manufacturing operatives were to work no more than ten hours-a rule which, if applied generally to our manufacturing industry, he thought could not fail to be prejudicial. An hon. Friend of his gave notice of a Motion some time ago, that he would move that Ireland be exempted from its operation in case the measure passed into a law. Having necessarily given a good deal of attention to the condition of ing to my own home, after visiting the sick, at two A.M., working as busily as in the day time." Would hon. Gentlemen deny that it would be the greatest blessing to this part of the country, if a factory mill were established there, which would employ the poor people, even if they were obliged to work twelve hours a day? Parliament could regulate the hours of labour in factories; but if by its legislation it drove the poor people to work in places where its interference would not reach, and where the hours of labour could not be regulated, they would surely do no act of humanity by interfering. Any Gentlemen who had looked into the factory reports, would see that children who had been shut out of the factories, were sent to fustian-cutting or pinmaking, and other employments much more laborious than working in a factory; and there was great danger, lest by further interference Parliament might increase the evil which it had already occasioned. The question came to this: did hon. Gentlemen mean to enlarge the sphere of interference? He had never received a clear answer to that question. There was one other point on which he wished to say a few words, and that was the question of eleven hours as against ten. He was decidedly opposed to further interference, whether by restricting the time of working to eleven hours or ten; but he could not say that he was equally opposed to the two propositions. He happened to be absent from the House at the time when the question was put, or he certainly should have voted for eleven hours, instead of ten hours. He knew that some Gentlemen voted for ten hours instead of eleven hours, under the impression that the experiment would sooner fail; but he confessed he thought the course savoured more of passion than of reason. If the experiment must be made, as from the votes to which the House had come, he feared it must, he should wish it to be made in the mildest manner. MR. STANSFIELD being largely engaged in the woollen manufacture, was in a condition to state what the probable effects of the measure would be. The number of persons engaged in factories was 650,000, and the wages which they earned amounted to 12,000,000l. annually; and if the House determined that the factory people should only work ten hours instead of twelve, 2,000,000l. would be abstracted every year from the pockets of the factory labourers. He particularly wished to impress on the House the dangerous character of the measure as affecting the small manufacturer. The only way in which the manufacturers could make up for the loss of manual labour, was by introducing improvements in machinery; and the small capitalist and manufacturer would not be able to afford such improve ments. MR. HUME was sorry that so much impatience was shown to decide a question of so much importance. The dinner hour was not quite come yet, and, therefore, he hoped that hon. Members would listen to a brief discussion of the question. If he considered that this measure would improve the condition of the labouring population, he should certainly vote for it; but he was satisfied that if carried out, it would injure the condition of the working classes. He would remind the country Gentlemen, that if labourers were thrown out of employment, the land must support them. Nothing was more delicate to be dealt with than money-money could move, but land could not. He should support the Amend 1 Ackers, J. List of the AYES. Acland, Sir T. D. Ashley, hon. H. Bankes, G. Curteis, H. B. Dodd, G. Entwisle, W. Palmer, R. Palmer, G. Perfect, R. Plumptre, J. P. Plumridge, Capt. Round, J. Russell, Lord J. Russell, J. D. W. Rutherfurd, rt. hon. A. Shaw, rt. hon. F. Smith, rt. hon. R. V. Yorke, H. R. TELLERS. Brotherton, J. List of the NOES. Baring, rt. hon F. T. Botfield, B. Bouverie, hon. E. P. Bowles, Adm. Brown, W. Bruce, C. L. C. Busfeild, W. Callaghan, D. Cavendish, hon. G. H. Clerk, rt. hon. Sir G. Escott, B. Forster, M. Hutt, W. TELLERS. Leader, J. T. "For a Return of all monies paid by Great Britain on account of the interest of the Greek Loan up to the 1st day of January, 1847." On a former occasion he had expressed his deep regret that he felt it necessary to make any allusion to the influence which France exerted over the affairs of Greece. So far from following the example of Lord Aberdeen and England, with respect to Greece, M. Guizot, on the 12th of January, 1846, said There are treaties upon which, I will not say the interests, but the ideas of France and of England are not the same. Their policy differs. I do not wish to say that it is divided. In Greece, for example, at this moment, we have ideas different from those of the English Government. I regret it; but so it is. Well, we follow our ideas; we give to Greece our counsels; a support conformable to our ideas." That was what was said last year; but in the course of the last week similar language was used in the report of a Committee to the Chamber of Deputies, on the subject of payment of the interest of the loan for Greece: "As to the attitude to be assumed by France, in presence of events which are being accomplished in Greece, it has appeared to your commitee that it ought not, cannot, be for a moment doubtful. Whatever may be the eventualities which futurity reserves for the Greek nation, the French nation ought, without ceasing, to watch over the preservation of its rights and interests, to continue with firmness and perseverance the generous mission which it has undertaken. We confide willingly in the foresight, the energy, the devotedness of the King's Government to a cause which has never ceased to be French, and which possesses the rare privilege of being placed out of the sphere of and above all parties. We are convinced that everything has been done, in a proper time and place, which events suggested or prudence permitted; neither can we doubt the French Cabinet is ready to accomplish all the duties imposed on it by the late events. The only thing which your commission can and will do, is publicly to give a warm and complete approbation of the policy of France as practised in Greece. Your committee expresses its ardent and unanimous desire, that this policy may be continued in the same spirit, on the same principle, and with equal prudence and resolution. It is by preserving the honourable and disinterested character of our diplomatic action, by concentrating all our skill in the fairness and moderation of our proceedings, and in serving Greece for her own sake, without any regard to personal advantage, that we shall maintain our legitimate influence in that country. is thus that France will assure the definitive triumph of that sacred cause on which it has lavished so freely its sympathies, its blood, and its treasure. The committee approves the Greek Loan Bill. It recommends the Government to It show itself prudent and reserved, and expresses an opinion that it would not be consistent with the honour of France either to make a demand or to utter a menace, at a moment when a country, in accord with its Sovereign, seconded by a saga cious and skilful Ministry, responds most worthily | vere in her injurious and meddling course to the expectations of its real friends." He had endeavoured to show on a former occasion with what justice such terms could be applied to a Ministry of which M. Coletti was the head, and of which M. Poniropoulos was the Finance Minister. We had the gratification of knowing that, since that time, in deference to the opinions expressed in the Greek Chambers, this unworthy Finance Minister had been obliged to resign his post, though we were told also that France gave its entire confidence to a Ministry so constituted as that of M. Coletti. He had only to add, with reference to this point, that it was generally understood in Athens that M. Piscatory, the French Minister, and the French Consul, had both thought proper to exercise an avowed influence, not only upon individual Members of the Greek Chambers, but upon the business about to be transacted there. He had no wish whatever to cast the slightest censure on the past diplomacy of this country, or to ask the noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs to take the slightest step of hostility either against the kingdom of Greece or King Otho. He should leave the matter entirely to the noble Lord's discretion. He rejoiced to think that the wise and energetic policy of our Minister at Athens had received the support of the noble Lord. He did not ask for force or menace; but he did ask the House for an expression of opinion as firm and determined as that to which the French Chamber of Deputies had come, that England should support her Ministers in whatever part of the world they might be, when they conducted themselves with firmness and conscientiousness, and with a due regard to the liberties of the nation in the midst of which they exercised their functions. He asked the House to express an opinion in favour of the independence of that country whose freedom we inaugurated, and whose independence we guaranteed. Before he sat down, he must add, that M. Guizot, in speaking of the report which was the result of the commission to which he had already referred, expressed himself in these remarkable terms in the course of last week: "The sentiments and the intentions expressed in the report of your commission are those which the Government of the King has followed, and will continue to follow as the rule of its con duct." From this declaration of M. Guizot, it was clear that France was determined to perse of policy, against which he felt bound to protest. The noble Lord concluded by moving for a return in the terms stated above. VISCOUNT PALMERSTON: Sir, I beg to say, in the first place, that I have no objection to the production of the papers for which the noble Lord has moved; but I will appeal to his courtesy to withdraw his Motion at the present moment, as it might lead to an interference with other important business; but, in the course of the evening, the required papers may be ordered. Sir, with regard to the general view which the noble Lord has taken of the affairs of Greece, I concur with him almost entirely. The House will be aware that the independence of Greece was achieved by the interposition of England, of France, and of Russia; an interposition which was exercised after a struggle of five or six years between the Greek nation and the Turkish Government; an interposition, too, wrung, I may say, from the Government of the day by the feelings of the public, not of this country only, but of the people of almost every civilized nation in Europe. Sir, the object of that interposition was to place a nation-endeared to every land by ancient recollections-by the achievements of their forefathers, and by the position which in more modern times the country occupied-its object was to put that people in a condition of independence, and thereby of comfort, of happiness, of increasing prosperity, and advancing civilization. For that end it was thought by the Powers concerned, that the constitution of a monarchy was more favourable to the development of national industry and the advancement of national prosperity than that of a republic-a form of government which would have made the supreme power constantly an object of struggle and contest between rival pclitical parties, supported as they would be by different foreign Powers. I am, however, obliged to confess that hitherto at least the benevolent intentions of the Three Powers which I have mentioned have not been realized at all events to the extent desired. For it is true, and too true, that the internal condition of Greece is far from that which the well-wishers of the Greek nation could desire to see. It is, I am afraid, too true that the Government now existing in Greece is carried on on a principle of peculation by those employed under the Crown, and of corruption practised towards and upon those who ought to be the protectors and the guardians | Sir, although the British Government, in of the public interests. It is too true that connexion with the Governments of France acts of the greatest atrocity are from time and Russia, guranteed the independence to time committed by persons in the em- of the Greek State, yet I do not hold that ployment of the Government; that torture that guarantee gives to any of the guarantorture barbarous in its character, and teeing parties any right to interfere in applied in a manner which I really would the internal administration of the State of not shock the feelings of the House by ex- Greece, beyond the right of requiring that plaining it is too true that such torture the engagements by which Greece binds is from time to time inflicted upon the un- herself to pay the interest of the loan adoffending inhabitants, for the purpose of vanced to her shall be faithfully observed. compelling disclosures either of the places However we may deplore the general malof refuge of criminals, or of conscripts who administration of Greece, and however have fled from their ranks; and I may, much we may lament that the Greek indeed, state, that in one instance torture people, instead of enjoying that prosperity was inflicted upon a person who, being an which we intended and wished to have Ionian, was therefore, if not a British sub- been their lot when they were erected into ject, at least under the protection of Bri- an independent nation, have fallen into tain. All this is unfortunately perfectly the condition in which they now existtrue. Besides, we have it upon the con- however much we may lament these unfession of the Minister responsible for the toward circumstances, still it is not for matter to which that confession related-I England nor the other two guaranteeing mean the late Minister of Finance-that Powers to prescribe to the Greek Sovethe revenue is embezzled in its progress to reign who shall be his Ministers, or to the the Exchequer; and that it is misapplied Greek Ministers what shall be the measures afterwards in its disbursement and appro- of their administration. In 1832 a treaty priation for the public service. It was was concluded by which the Three Powers stated in open Parliament, by the Minister undertook to guarantee the interest and a of Finance, that whereas a great part of sinking fund on the loan of 60 millions of the revenue of Greece is derived from con- francs, to be raised for the service of the tributions in kind-contributions of grain, Greek State. Each of the three contractfor instance that in one district, from ing Powers was to guarantee separately which, on an average of years, 180,000 one-third of the 60 millions in question. kilos of grain had been paid into the Trea- The share, therefore, for which we are sury, that last year not more than 8,000 ki- liable, including the interest and one per los were levied. It was confessed, in short, cent as a sinking fund, is for twenty milthat the sources of the revenue were em- lions of francs, raised, as I have said, for bezzled for the profit of the agents em- the service of the State of Greece. But, ployed to collect it; but the excuse was, in order to provide against the charge of that those agents were forced, said the that interest and that sinking fund being Minister of Finance, to promote the in- unecessarily thrown upon the contracting terests of Members of Parliament with Powers, care was taken, in wording the constituencies whom they misrepresented. treaty, to stipulate that the first purIt was proved, also, that documents which pose to which the revenue should be aphad been laid before Parliament, as proofs plied, the first burden to be attended to in of the amount of revenue received, had fact, should be the interest and sinking been falsified; and it was charged, and I fund in question. These were to be paid believe admitted, that that falsification up in the first instance; and the representook place in order to conceal the actual tatives of the Three Powers at Athens, it amount of revenue received, because it was was further agreed, should be charged with said that if the whole amount of revenue the duty of watching over the due execution realized had been publicly acknowledged, of this engagement. I lament to say, howit would have been found that a surplus ever, that this part of the agreement has of income over expenditure existed, in spite been entirely overlooked or absolutely set of all embezzlements, and that such surplus at nought; and the returns moved for by would have been claimed by the Three the noble Lord will show that between the Powers who guaranteed the loan, and the year 1843 and the present time, an amount money thus taken out of the country; little short of 200,000l. has been advanced whereas, by the falsification of vouchers, by this country. Now, if the poverty of the sum in question was allowed to remain the Greek State had been such that it had for the benefit of the Exchequer. Now, really no means of paying the interest on |