cultivation of this plant. The mode in which the cotton is at present conveyed in the places where the greatest improvements have been introduced, is in carts, drawn by two bullocks together, at a rate of about twelve miles a day, each cart containing six bales of cotton of 120lbs. each; but the more ordinary course is for them to be carried in packs on the backs of the bullocks, each bullock carrying 240lbs. eight miles a day. These bullocks go together in large herds, each one splashing the other with mud. At night they lie down in the roads, sometimes with the packs on their backs; or if not, then the packs are put on the dirty ground, and thus the cotton is so injured, so filled with mud and dirt, as to be almost useless. All that may be remedied by the Indian Government, supported by the Government at home, encouraging the construction of railways; and I hope that that part of the subject will not be overlooked in this Committee. Lord Hardinge, in a letter recently addressed to the East India Company, or to the Government at home, expressed his opinion that the construction of one particular railway in India would be equal to the saving of four regiments of infantry, the expense of which he set at the lowest at 50,000l. a year, or the interest of 1,000,000l., which would be enough to construct the railway in question; but Lord Hardinge added also that it must sufficiently appear to all, that in India the existence or non-existence of railways would frequently determine the question of peace or war. I therefore hope that in considering this question of the culture of cotton the value of improved modes of communication will be one of the first matters brought under the notice of the Committee. There is also one other question which I may venture now to mention, with a hope of being listened to, although last year if I had attempted to do so I should have been almost coughed down by the free-traders in this House. The matter is this-if we can be supplied by India with raw cotton for our manufactures, we shall be able to pay for it in our own manufactured goods, and although it was felt last year to be a matter of no consequence whatever whether we traded with a country which was disposed to take our manufactures, or with countries having high tariffs-although it was treated then as if it did not matter at all whether we were to pay in gold or in goods, and we were told that if we had to pay in gold in the long run it must come back, I venture to think that that is not the opinion at present entertained on 'Change in London, or Manchester, or Liverpool. It was, I recollect, about this time last year that, in answer to me, the then First Minister of the Crown, addressing me, uttered this memorable declaration-it was on the 4th of May, and this is The Times report: of France and the timber of Prussia, the great "The noble Lord said, that if we got the corn consideration was, what we should get them to take in return. Why, suppose they took nothing in return, what should we suffer from that? [Cheers and counter-cheers from the Protectionists.] On what principles does the noble Lord think foreign commerce is carried on? When we buy the brandies of France, they are not given to us--something is given in exchange for them. We cannot take the silks of France, the timber of Prussia, there is no mode of making purchases but by and the corn of Prussia, without paying for them giving an equivalent for them. Well, but you say we shall send out gold for them: but, do you send out gold to those countries now? I have not seen any diminution in the gold of the Bank If there has been a decrease in gold, it has been of England that could be attributed to this cause. from our internal concerns. I have not seen that any great quantities of it have gone to Prussia. What will astonish you still more perhaps is, that I wish it had. [Cheers.] This country would be able to command a sufficient quantity of gold if it were required in the steady and legitimate course of trade. When a regular commerce is carried on, there can be no drain of gold; and even if they take nothing but gold, we can only procure that by transmitting our manufactures for that gold, and then purchasing corn and timber with it. I should not be alarmed, therefore, if there should be an export of gold from this country, knowing that we shall obtain that gold by exchanging our manufactures for it. No such export can take place as will derange our internal affairs, or derange the stability of our commerce." Now, Sir, the free-traders have got their will -the silks and the brandies of France, the timber and the corn of Russia, and more especially of America, have to be paid for; and the wish of the right hon. Gentleman is realized with a vengeance-for the United States of America have determined to take gold, and nothing but gold, in return for their corn; but I venture to say that the most rabid free-trader either on the Exchange of the city of London or on the Corn Exchange of Manchester or Liverpool would not now propound the doctrine that he wished it might be that foreign countries should take our gold in exchange for their corn. This, also, is a matter which ought, I think, to be considered by the Committee, with a view to ascertain whether, by restoring the duty on American cotton imported into this country, and by reducing the land-tax, or Government | ing the means of relief to the destitute rent, imposed on the cotton lands in India, poor in Ireland. His object in making this we might not obtain our cotton from a Motion was to benefit another class, the incountry satisfied to take payment in the dustrious poor of that country. He wished cotton and other manufactures of this to see the medical charities placed on a country, amounting in the year 1846 to better footing. If a greater number of the declared value of 4,500,000l. instead these institutions were established, there of giving a virtual monopoly of the supply would be in every electoral division the of cotton to Great Britain to a country, means of affording medical relief to all insisting upon being paid, as the United classes. The Fever Bill, which now af States insists upon being paid, in gold forded some relief, would expire in Novemonly, and I believe in sovereigns of the ber next, and he hoped that the Governlast coinage, that there may be no loss in ment would introduce some further enactthe weight, and maintaining in all things ment on this subject, to come into operaa high tariff against the produce and manu- tion when that Act expired. He moved the factures of the British nation. omission of the clause. On the noble Lord resuming his seat, the House was counted; and forty Members not being present, immediately adjourned, at a quarter past Eight o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.-1a Correction of Clerks. Union, against any Clause being inserted in the Poor POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL. House again in Committee. The EARL of CLANCARTY said, he wished to ask a question. He wished to ask whether, under the fourth section, the Poor Law Commissioners could appoint relieving officers where they would have no duties to perform? and whether out-door relief was to be given as matter of right? The MARQUESS of CLANRICARDE said, that such officers only as were necessary would be appointed. Out-door relief was only to be given under certain circumstances, and it would not be necessary to appoint relieving officers in all unions. On the 5th Clause. The EARL of CLANCARTY said, that he had given notice of his intention to move the omission of this clause. The object of this clause was to enable the Poor Law Commissioners to direct the guardians of the different unions to appoint a medical officer or medical officers for the purpose of affording medical relief out of the workhouse. He begged that in moving the omission of this clause, it would not be understood that he was desirous of curtail The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE said, that this clause would not at all interfere with the existing medical charities in Ireland; it was, on the contrary, a clear addition to their other means of relief in sickness. He thought that it would not be for the benefit of the sick poor if the Commissioners had not this power to appoint medical officers te give medical relief out of the workhouse, that it should be underStood that this arrangement would not stand in the way of any more beneficial measure which might be introduced. Motion negatived. The EARL of CLANCARTY suggested, that as all the relieving clauses were to be of a temporary nature, the words which had been introduced into the first clause should be introduced here, so as to make this clause temporary also. The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE said he understood, after the vote of last night, that the whole Bill was to be temporary. LORD STANLEY said, he thought that some words should be inserted if the clause was intended to be of a temporary nature. EARL FITZWILLIAM said, he thought it would be better to give the Bill a temporary character altogether. LORD MONTEAGLE said, that the intention with which he moved his Amendment last night was, that those clauses only should be of a temporary nature which were connected with the new principle of giving out-door relief. The EARL of WICKLOW said, that from what had fallen from his noble Friend, it was quite clear that their Lordships, when they divided last night, were in complete error as to the intentions of his noble Friend. The Notice given by his noble Friend was, "The Lord Monteagle of Brandon, to move to limit the operation of the Bill to the 1st of August, 1847, and to the end of the then next Session of Parlia-izing out-door relief had been made temment." The "Bill" must mean the whole porary, and the House had decided that, Bill or nothing. The matter was now in such a state of confusion, that no two men could agree as to the nature of the vote which the House came to last night. LORD MONTEAGLE said, he last night stated what the object of his Motion was; and he must deny that the confusion mentioned by the noble Earl had any existence, unless in the noble Lord's own mind. The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE said, that not all the ingenuity of his noble Friend could get rid of the confusion to which the House must be subject after the Amendment which was carried last night; for it was now impossible to tell what parts of the Bill his noble Friend intended should be permanent and what temporary. He (the Marquess of Lansdowne) must disclaim on his own part and on the part of Her Majesty's Government making any answer to the question of the noble Earl (the Earl of Clancarty). It was for the noble Lord (Lord Monteagle) to give an answer. It was not for him (the Marquess of Lansdowne) who had not been admitted into the secret councils of those noble Lords, to go from clause to clause and say, "In this I see the fitness of permanency, and the fitness of that is temporary;" and he must beg, on his own part and on the part of Her Majesty's Government, to disclaim the means of giving any answer to any question of that sort. He must beg for the next two or three years, if the workhouses were full, an able-bodied man was not to be allowed to die of starvation, but to be relieved from the property of the country. But he wished to know why, after the two or three years, that man was to be allowed to die of starvation, but was still to be allowed medical relief. What was right to-day was right to-morrow and hereafter. The real truth was, that the noble Lord wished to give a damaging blow to the Bill at an early stage of the discussion. He did not wish to wait for the legitimate and proper time of discussing the question of making the whole Bill permanent or temporary; but he availed himself of a technicality to introduce those few words limiting the operation of the Bill, though he (Earl Grey) believed that a majority of the noble Lords who voted for that Amendment did not perceive its full drift and scope, for he thought that its effect at this stage would be to impair and damage the Bill that the House was about to discuss; but noble Lords must be well acquainted with the long-practised ingenuity of his noble Friend in Parliamentary tactics to fully comprehend this dexterous and successful manœuvre. (Earl Grey) could not help expressing his great satisfaction at this incidental discussion, for it had shown to their Lordships and to the public the spirit in which it was endeavoured to amend this Bill. He trusted that the public opinion was too firmly in favour of this measure to render any risk of its being ultimately seriously damaged by any manœuvre, however well matured, or however dexterously applied. He leave to refer the noble Earl to the noble Lord (Lord Monteagle) and those who voted with him; and if the noble Earl asked him the question, whether he thought the words ought to be applied in this clause, he could only say they might be applied or they might not be, as this clause might exist independently of out-door relief, or it might be made to fall with out-door relief. EARL GREY: Is this clause limited or it was almost certain, that it must contain not? LORD MONTEAGLE: Certainly not. EARL GREY said, this was a most important point. Undoubtedly the Amendment of which the noble Lord gave notice was one thing, and the Amendment which he actually moved was a very different thing. He apprehended that no one could doubt what the noble Lord really meant. His clause provided additional means of medical relief to the poor of Ireland. The noble Lord said that it was to be permanent. He (Earl Grey) agreed with him that it ought to be permanent. But by the vote of last night, the clause author EARL FITZWILLIAM said, that the Bill contained a great variety of enactments, and of course it was probable, nay, some which ought to be temporary, and some which ought to be permanent. The noble Earl said, that the noble Lord (Lord Monteagle) had availed himself of a technicality to defeat this Bill. He asked, why was the noble Earl to avail himself of a technicality to induce the House, by means of those parts of the Bill which were acceptable to all of them, to give their sanction to a principle of which many of them disapproved? It would be better to consider the Amendment carried last night as affecting the whole Bill. LORD MONTEAGLE could not help observing that his noble Friend (Earl Grey) It cer had more than once made use of the ex- | Amendment of his noble Friend, who told pression that this Amendment of his (Lord them that his intention was to divide the Monteagle's) was some manœuvre - his Bill into two separate parts; the one to be noble Friend did not exactly say deceit, temporary, the other permanent. But, but he spoke of it as a piece of Parliamen- then, every word of the Amendment aptary tactic and ingenuity, and certainly plied to every part of the Bill. conveying the impression that it was his tainly would be a very novel mode of legis(Lord Monteagle's) wish to deceive their lation to have one section of an Act of Lordships. Now, he would appeal to the Parliament temporary and another permaTreasury bench, and to every noble Lord nent, unless it was distinctly pointed out who heard the debate last night, whether in each clause. In the New Poor Law, he did not distinctly, when moving his for example, there was a temporary clause, Amendment, state, in the clearest manner, which declared that the Commissioners that his intention was to move that the should be appointed for five years only; clauses relating to out-door relief were to but that appeared upon the face of the be made temporary, while the rest were to clause itself. There was no ambiguity be made permanent? Was that object there. He earnestly hoped that his noble concealed from anybody? He thought it Friend would not persist in this mode of was rather hard, after such a distinct dealing with the measure; he would not statement of his object, that he should be say by attempting to damage the Bill, charged with having deceived their Lord- because no doubt his noble Friend's object ships into acceding to the Amendment he was to render it as little objectionable as proposed. But, as the same accusation possible; but he would earnestly appeal to which had been made against him of hav- his noble Friend to allow the words of ing practised this supposed deception on his Amendment of last night to be erased, their Lordships, must reflect upon the ma- and that he would come back to his first jority of the House, he was perfectly ready thoughts, which, according to the notice to share the obloquy which was to be borne he gave, were to move the rejection of outby that majority. door relief altogether, and to allow all the other portions of the Bill to be permanent. The EARL of ST. GERMANS, in answer to the appeal of the noble Lord, felt bound in honour to say, that although he (the Earl of St. Germans) was opposed to the noble Lord on his Motion, yet he distinctly understood the noble Lord to say, that by his Amendment he intended to provide that one part of the Bill should be temporary, and the other permanent; though, certainly, there did appear to him (the Earl of St. Germans) a distinction between the explanation of the noble Lord to-day and the Amendment as it appeared on the paper. There was some degree of uncertainty prevailing throughout the discussion of last night as to which of the clauses the noble Lord intended should be permanent, and which temporary; and that was one reason why he (the Earl of St. Germans) voted against the Amendment, because he thought their Lordships were prejudging the question. He certainly was of opinion that great inconvenience had arisen from the division of last night. LORD CAMPBELL very much regretted the confusion which had been occasioned by the Amendment of his noble Friend. Though a lawyer of some experience, he certainly was at a loss to know what was the legal interpretation of the words which had been introduced into the Bill by the LORD MONTEAGLE felt the difficulty of contending with his noble and learned Friend; but, nevertheless, he would take upon himself to say, as a lay Member of their Lordships' House, that there was no difficulty at all in this measure. Was his noble and learned Friend prepared to say, that there were no permanent Bills containing temporary clauses, and that there were no temporary Bills containing permanent clauses? [Laughter.] Yes; temporary Bills in their general enactments. He admitted that there might be some complexity arising from the Amendment of last night, if it were not proposed to insert at the end of the Bill a clause pointing out those clauses which should be temporary, and those which should be permanent. That was his answer to his noble and learned Friend. The MARQUESS of CLANRICARDE considered that the Amendment proposed by the noble Lord last night was totally different from that of which he had given notice. The noble Lord's original proposition was, not to make the out-door clause temporary, but to omit it from the Bill altogether. The fact was, that their Lordships had got the Bill into a state of inextricable confusion by the Amendment of last evening. He hoped his noble Friend | unions in England, no less than 541 of would reconsider the subject. which were of an area below 100,000 acres; while in Ireland the number of unions was only 130, and there were only twenty-six of those unions whose area did not exceed 100,000 acres. The average area of 570 of the unions in England was about 53,297 acres, while the average area of the whole 130 unions in Ireland was no less than 146,000 acres. This additional difficulty, therefore, applied to the case of the relieving officers in Ireland, beyond those diffi The EARL of SHREWSBURY said, that as he was one of those who voted with the noble Lord (Lord Monteagle) last night, he must honestly avow that he did so in error. He voted with the noble Lord, not as being opposed to the principle of the Bill, or to any part of its principle, but he did so because he thought it was impossible to be carried into effect; and he, therefore, believed it would be highly advantageous that the measure should return to their Lord-culties which arose from the social state ships as speedily as possible for reconsideration. In fact, he thought it was a Poor Relief Bill which could not relieve the poor. of Ireland; in England there was one board of guardians to an area of 53,297 acres, with a population of 24,845; while in Ireland there was one board of guardians to an area of 146,000 acres, with a population of 65,384. The parties to afford relief under this Bill were the relieving officers, and with them would lodge the dis The EARL of CLANCARTY would withdraw his Motion for omitting the clause, and reserve himself to make another proposition on the bringing up of the report. The MARQUESS of WESTMEATH com-cretion of granting or of withholding outplained of the construction which the noble Secretary of the Colonies (Earl Grey) had put upon the motives of those who voted in support of the Amendment of last night. The noble Earl had also come down at the heel of the discussion and stated that they were to have public opinion to bear upon this question. Now he (the Marquess of Westmeath) did not know exactly what the noble Earl meant; but their Lordships knew that they had had some very coarse comments made elsewhere upon their proceedings; and he certainly must lament hearing a Minister of the Crown getting up and threatening their Lordships with the awe of public opinion, as if their Lord ships were not an independent branch of the Legislature. Clause 5 was then put and agreed to. LORD STANLEY moved to propose the substitution of a clause for the one which was now before the Committee. Their Lordships had decided that there should be relieving officers to carry out this measure, and that the appointment of those relieving officers should be left to the boards of guardians; and the present clause proceeded to define the duties of those relieving officers. He would just remind their Lordships of the nature and extent of those duties, and in doing so, would compare them with the extent of the duties to be discharged by the relieving officers in England. The average population of a union in England was 24,845; the average population of a union in Ireland was 65,384; there were upwards of 620 door relief throughout these extensive areas. They would have no means of referring for advice or assistance to the boards of guardians, who might, in the case of each union, be sitting at a distance of twenty, twentyfive, or even thirty miles from the places in which the duties of the relieving officers were to be performed. The consequence of this inability to make immediate application to the board of guardians, might be to place the relieving officers either in a state of the most imminent danger, or else, from fear of violence, they would not dare properly to discharge their duties, but would prefer running the distant risk of having their conduct disapproved of by the board of guardians, than refrain from a system of very lavish and improvident expenditure of the public funds. He had placed an Amendment upon the Paper which he believed would have the effect of interposing a controlling power between the board of guardians and the relieving officer. He did not mean to state that his plan was free from objection, or that it did not admit of amendment. He should not come to a division upon it, but he thought he should not have been doing his duty if he had not pointed out the danger which would beset a great number of the relieving officers for want of a sufficient degree of power on the part of the board of guardians, and if he did not also suggest what he believed would be a remedy for that evil. The remedy he proposed was, that independently of the board of guardians, there should be in each electoral district a subordinate board to discharge the duties |