Drummond, H. H. Estcourt, T. G. B. Evans, W. Ferrand, W. B. Finch, G. Meynell, Capt. Forbes, W. Paget, Col. Forester, Hon. G. C. W. Pechell, Capt. Forster, M. French, F. Frewen, C. H. Fuller, A. E. Gibson, rt. hon. T. M. Gisborne, T. Gladstone, Capt. Gore, hon. R. Goring, C. Goulburn, rt, hon. H. Grey, rt. hon. Sir G. Halsey, T. P. Hamilton, W. J. Hinde, J. H. Hodgson, R. Hope, Sir J. Hoskins, K. Perfect, R. Howard, hon. C. W. G. Sutton, hon. H. M. Hudson, G. Hughes, W. B. Hussey, T. Inglis, Sir R. H. James, W. Jervis, Sir J. Jocelyn, Visct. Johnstone, Sir J. Talbot, C. R. M. Thornhill, G. Trevor, hon. G. R. Turner, E. Turnor, C. Vane, Lord H. Lennox, Lord G. H. G. Waddington, H. S. Lindsay, Col. Walker, R. Loch, J. Wawn, J. T. Williams, W. Winnington, Sir T. E. Macaulay, rt. hn. T. B. Wood, rt. hon. Sir C. Wood, Col. T. Mackenzie, W. F Maitland, T. Manners, Lord C. S. Marshall, W. TELLERS. Marton, G. Rich, H. intend to proceed any further with this Bill, being satisfied now that the advice he had received from the right hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth was best calculated to insure its ultimate success. He found that it was impossible to legislate upon this subject in a manner likely to satisfy the landowners, whose feelings it was proper to consult in the matter, without further inquiry. At the same time, as something had been said about a petition which had been presented on the other side, he begged to be allowed to remind the House that he had presented three petitions in favour of the Bill, signed by farmers occupying 200,000 acres of land. He felt quite convinced that the principle of the Bill must become law within a very few years; he was satisfied that the justice of the cause would work its way; but he was most anxious that it should not be carried in any way calculated to do violence to the feelings of the landlords, who he was sure would soon come to find their interests to be bound up with the just rights of the tenants, quite as much as the tenants themselves. Being anxious, then, not to provoke exasperation, either in that House or out of it, or to disturb the harmony between landlords and tenants, and being satisfied that the measure would be carried within one or two years at most-he was quite certain that it would be inquired into during next Session of Parliament - he begged to be allowed to withdraw the Bill for the present. He assured the House that his only object in bringing it forward had been practical legislation, and not to make speeches, and as soon as he found that that was hopeless, he at once abandoned it. SIR R. PEEL wished to be allowed to say a few words before the Bill was withdrawn. He thought that his hon. Friend (Mr. Pusey) had no reason to look back upon the course he had pursued with any other feelings than those of entire satisfaction. He did not believe that his hon. Friend had undertaken the arduous and difficult task of legislation-a task peculiarly difficult to a private Member of the House-from any other motives but those of wishing to encourage the application of capital to the land, and to insure a just remuneration to those tenants who might ex AGRICULTURAL TENANT RIGHT BILL.pend their own capital on its improvement. On the Order of the Day for the House to go into Committee on the Agricultural Tenant Right Bill being moved, MR. PUSEY said, that he did not The hon. Member however, had met with unexpected difficulties. There were various arrangements now prevailing throughout the country which were founded on a SIR G. GREY said, that on the second reading of the Bill he had stated the grounds on which he assented to that stage of the measure, reserving to himself the right of opposing some of the clauses in Committee. The Bill having now been committed pro formá, it would be an unusual course to reject it without allowing the hon. Member who introduced it to lay it before the House in its amended shape. Under these circumstances, he hoped that the hon. Member would not press his Amendment. MR. YOUNG said, it was impossible to conceive that any alteration which could be made in the Bill would render it worthy of adoption by the House. better basis than that of law, namely, the mutual confidence between landlords and tenants. He thought, therefore, that his hon. Friend had exercised a most wise discretion in not attempting to carry this Bill at present, and in not incurring the risk of disturbing that confidence, and provoking angry feelings between these two great classes. He (Sir R. Peel) thought that, after mature inquiry into the customs of different parts of the country, and after deliberate consideration as to how they could best give the force of law to those arrangements which were now based upon those friendly and reciprocal understandings, it was possible something might be done. If his hon. Friend, and those who, like him, took an interest in the welfare of agriculture, would apply their attention to the subject, it was probable they might come to some satisfactory understanding upon it. To the principle of promoting the application of capital to the land, in order to insure its better improvement, and of providing that just compensation should be given to tenants who had expended their capital in that way-to that principle there could be no objection whatever. But, as he had said before, he thought the course which had been taken by the hon. Member on this occasion, as well as on other occasions, such as in the case of the drainage of land, and in other matters relative to agricultural improvement, was such as to reflect great credit on the hon. Member; and, as the hon. Member had been obliged by circumstances which he had not foreseen to abandon the Bill, he thought it right on the part of some Member of the House who was opposed to him to express their entire confidence in the purity of his motives. Order of the Day discharged. Bill withdrawn. POOR RATES (IRELAND) BILL. Bill considered in Committee. On the question that the Report be now received, MR. STAFFORD O'BRIEN said, that having failed to catch the Speaker's eye previous to his leaving the chair, he had been unable to move that the House resolve itself into a Committee on this Bill that day six months. As it was, he thought the best plan would be to move that the Report be received that day six months. The principle of the Bill was one which he could not too strongly protest against, and which he trusted would not be sanctioned by the House. MR. SHARMAN CRAWFORD said, that in the present state of the law, tenants, being exposed to the oppression of landlords and middlemen, were unable to deduct from the rent the portion to which they were entitled on account of rates paid by them. To remedy that evil was one of the objects of the Bill. It had long been found a difficult matter to collect the portion of the rates which ought to be paid by the landlord, and therefore the Bill provided, that in cases of neglect to pay rates by landlords, the Poor Law Commissioners might apply to the superior courts in Dublin for the appointment of receivers of the rents of their estates. SIR R. FERGUSON opposed the Bill, and said it would be impracticable to levy rates under it. MR. LABOUCHERE said, he would oppose the Amendment; but wished it not to be supposed that he was favourable to the Bill. He disapproved of the Amendment because it was unusual to bring it forward at such a stage. MR. GOULBURN said, that if the Amendment was unusual it was made under unusual circumstances. His hon. Friend had intended to object to the recommittal of the Bill; but that stage of the measure was passed with such rapidity that he was driven to take his objection to the report. The House divided on the question that the word "now" stand part of the Question:-Ayes 55; Noes 81: Majority 26. The House was aware that in 1835 the right hon. Baronet the Member for Dorchester (Sir J. Graham) brought in and carried two measures, the Seamen's Enlistment Bill, and the Seamen's Registration Act. The former Bill enabled the Government to call out any number of seamen it thought proper, those who entered the Navy within six days after the proclamation being entitled to a double bounty--107.; those seamen who were actually employed on board the fleet at the time were, under the same Act, to receive a single bounty. But by that Act, if the Government required only 3,000 or 5,000 seamen, it must call on the whole of the commercial marine to serve, and thus the mercantile navy was paralysed and the men prevented from prosecuting their dif ferent voyages. The object of his Bill was to amend that portion of the present Enlistment Act, and enable the Government to call out any number of men it might require, without disturbing the whole. of the merchant service. When Lord Minto was at the head of the Admiralty, the inconvenience of the regulation was felt; the ships in the Tagus were undermanned, and, as it was not thought advisable to issue the proclamation, which would have entitled all those actually serving at the time to a fresh bounty, the Admiralty was driven to adopt the system followed in the merchant service; crimps were employed to get men, for whom they were paid 21. a head by the Government. Was that a creditable mode of manning Her Majesty's Navy? These crimps were the most villanous characters in the whole city of London; and that was saying a good deal. The object of this Bill was to prevent this; and he hoped the House would support him, though he was sorry to say the Government would not lend its aid. At present, when men were called out by proclamation, the whole of the seamen then on service were entitled to a bounty, whether a war took place or not; if 2,000 additional men were wanted a bounty of 51. must be given to the whole of the 40,000 already serving, requiring the expenditure of 200,000l. or 300,000l. before they could raise a man. He did not think this just, as, if no war occurred, the men were exposed to no peril; he proposed, therefore, to alter this, leaving to the Government the power of giving the bounty to the men if a war took place within a year. He proposed to enact a penalty on masters and owners of merchant vessels keeping men in their service who | boured at it, through the public press and were called on by proclamation to enter in various ways; but till he entered Parthe Navy. He would not use the power liament he had no opportunity of doing of impressment in any way; it was a dis- anything himself. The right hon. Member grace to the country, and ought to be for Wiltshire (Mr. Sydney Herbert) inabandoned for ever. But the men, being tended to follow up his Registration Bill discharged by the merchant captains, with this very measure; but he left the would not be able to find employment on Admiralty and was made Secretary at shore, and must enter the Navy; that War, and was prevented by various other might be called impressment if they causes from bringing it forward. On difpleased, but it was impressment in a much ferent pleas the subject had been delayed milder form. He did not conceive there and got rid of year after year. But lately was any great hardship in this; if they he had observed a better feeling growing issued a proclamation according to the up in the House with respect to the Navy; present system, they would have to press, more was thought necessary than the conor rather they would try to press, for struction of ships; and if he did not suche doubted, with the present notions sea- ceed in carrying the Bill, he hoped the men entertained, whether impressment House would oblige the Government to would be possible. He doubted whether bring in some good measure of its own. captains, with a crew sufficiently strong, It appeared to him that the whole thought would allow their ships to be boarded as of the Admiralty for the last thirty years by privateers or pirates, and their men had been bent on building ships; all the taken away; would it be possible now to public money had been spent in building turn up all hands in a merchant ship to either in iron or wood, or with screwtake the heads from casks to search for propellers or paddle-wheels. They had men hid away, or thrust cutlasses between been building morning, noon, and night, bales of goods to stir them up if stowed one year after another; and when a new away there? And if they could not do Board of Admiralty came in, it directly this at sea, how could they impress on pulled to pieces what had been built by shore? How would they do it in the city its predecessor. One heightened a ship, of London? He doubted whether the Lord another cut it down; one lengthened the Mayor would back a press-warrant, or, if stern, another the bows; and the public he did, he would make himself extremely paid for all. But they did not consider obnoxious; and if he did, who was to carry what ships really were. They were neither it into execution? Were they to assemble more nor less than barracks, or floating all the police in London to search all the castles, useless without men to put on crimping and boarding houses for seamen? board them. The late Admiralty, though He believed it would be impossible; he did in 1841 it condemned the system of sendnot think any Minister would dare to at-ing ships to sea short-handed, itself retempt it. If they could not use the power of impressment in London, how could they do it in Newcastle, Sunderland, Glasgow, and all the outports? If a war took place, the troops at home would be lessened to strengthen foreign garrisons, the West Indies, Gibraltar, Malta; where would the troops come from to enforce the system? It would be impossible, and during peace was the time to begin a better one. They had now had peace for thirty-two years; yet, with the exception of the two Bills of the right hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham), the measure proposed by the late Secretary at War (Mr. Sidney Herbert), and his own, no steps had been taken to remedy this great evil. If he had had any hope the Government would take up the subject themselves, he would not have brought it forward; it had engaged his attention ever since 1816, and he had la turned to the practice; the present Board continued it, and now their ships at Lisbon and in the Mediterranean had diminished crews as formerly. A line-of-battle ship, instead of 1,000 men, had 750 or 800. The French system, he believed, remained unaltered; their ships were fully manned, and at that moment he believed there was in the harbour of Athens an English lineof-battle-ship with 750 men, or something like it, with a French ship having a crew of 900. The system now practised was neither just to the officers nor just to the men; the officers and men of the British Navy were capable of great achievements; but to be enabled to effect anything great, the complement of the ships should be maintained in time of peace as fully as in time of war. It was difficult at any time to induce men to enter the service, and that difficulty was made the more insur mountable by retaining the ships ill-rent in the Crown, to substitute a system manned, for the man who went on board which would connect the merchant seamen went with the knowledge that an undue share of labour and work would be allotted to him. He had now stated the objects of the Bill; and as it was not probable that he should have the honour of addressing the House again on that or any other subject for a considerable time, he did implore the Government to trifle no longer with the seamen of the British Navy, to adopt a better and more righteous system of obtaining the required number of men, and to abandon altogether the notion of impressment. As sure as they lived, if a war took place, and they resorted again to the practice of impressing, they would lose all the men now in the American Navy, and who, were a better system pursued, would willingly serve their own country. MR. WARD greatly regretted, as it had been stated by his hon. and gallant Friend that this was the last measure he was likely to bring forward for a considerable time, that it was his (Mr. Ward's) duty to oppose this Bill. It was, however, under present circumstances, utterly impossible that the Board of Admiralty could give their sanction to such an enactment. He begged that there might be no mistake made: with reference to manning the Navy, the importance of taking advantage of a time of peace to ensure efficacy in a time of war, and with respect to all those general considerations which the hon. and gallant Member had properly urged upon the House, Government was as desirous as the gallant Officer could be, and it was to be hoped much better prepared than he supposed, to make adequate provision. [Sir C. NAPIER: The old story over again.] It was no doubt the old story over again; but it was a sufficient answer to such a complaint that nothing could be more dangerous than to tamper with such questions as these before the time was ripe for the settlement. He had already pointed out to the hon. and gallant Member that even were his course to be unopposed by the Government, he would find himself surrounded by difficulties in any attempt at this moment to legislate on the subject of the Navy. If the hon. and gallant Member had not been overwhelmed with protests against this Bill, it was solely because a confidence prevailed that Government would never consent to support it at the present juncture. The hon. and gallant Member proposed in lieu of the general right of impressment in emergencies, inhe with the Queen's service, but of which the effect would be to disturb to a degree greater than could by possibility happen under existing arrangements the whole mercantile marine. There was no proposition to assert the right of the Crown to call out the naval population of the country, of all classes, in the event of war; and, after all, the machinery suggested by the fourth clause was merely to starve the men from one service into the other. The hon. and gallant Member had particularly dwelt on the importance of altering the system of bounties; that was a very grave and very extensive question, and the hon. and gallant Member might rely upon the attention of the Admiralty being anxiously directed to the point. Just at this moment, however, a Commission had been appointed to inquire into the Seamen's Fund; and if it was found expedient to enter on this subject next year it would also be advisable to take into consideration the various questions referred to by his hon. and gallant Friend, and all of which were intimately connected with the condition of the seaman. He hoped that, before any long time had elapsed, they would see a proper organization of a proper naval reserve. He believed this might be effected with a far less destructive disturbance of commercial interests than would be occasioned by the Bill now proposed to be read a second time; and he was sure he only expressed the unanimous decision of the present Board in stating that, both on public and on private grounds, they were bound to oppose such a Bill. He was excessively sorry the good intentions of his hon. and gallant Friend could not be met in any other way; but he hoped the rejection of the measure would not induce his gallant Friend to conclude that there was not on the part of the Board of Admiralty the most earnest desire to see carried out the objects which had been so frequently recommended to their consideration. He moved that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. MR. FORSTER agreed with the hon. Secretary to the Admiralty, that the time was inopportune for introducing the Bill. MR. CORRY expressed a hope that his hon. and gallant Friend would see the expediency of withdrawing the Bill for the present. SIR C. NAPIER replied: He did not think the hon. Gentleman the Secretary |