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all that we need to know for the solution of the social questions of to-day, he has laid down principles and limitations of universal and perpetual obligation. Thus, sacred art is not the only true art, but any art to continue true must be moral; and to continue moral must be in spirit religious. Pedagogy has much to learn from psychology, and thus far it would seem to have learned very little; but all that psychology has to teach here is not so fundamental, even pedagogically, as that "the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom". Even the Agnostic Huxley recognized in a letter to the rector of St. Mary's Church, London, that any education that did not begin with and rest on the Bible was worse than no education. It would not be possible to adjust all labor difficulties by an appeal to the Bible alone. There is need of much patient investigation and much careful legislation with regard to them. The most patient investigation and the most careful legislation will, however, be worse than fruitless, unless they assume and proceed on such old-fashioned biblical truths as, that "The laborer is worthy of his hire"; that "A man's life consisteth not in the abundance of the things which he possesseth"; that "My Father worketh hitherto and I work". The extension of the suffrage to women was certainly not before the mind of Christ or of His apostles. Nevertheless, the only basis on which this pressing question can be settled rightly is that of the New Testament teaching as to both the equality of and the radical distinction between the sexes. These illustrations are sufficient. Social evolution presents new problems, but these only emphasize the fundamental importance of the principles that underlie the old solutions.

(4) Were all these objections set aside, it would still be urged that Our Lord was anything rather than a political reformer or a teacher of sociology. "He never enters on the role of the statesman or of the political economist. He enacts no code. He leads no party. In an empire full of slaves he opens no crusade against slavery." He gives no

teaching as to the proper form of government for either church or state. He has nothing to say of woman's rights, or of popular suffrage, or of reform parties or measures. Though the greater social reforms resulted from Him, He does not appear in any sense as a social reformer. Not only does He not use sociological terminology; rarely does He, at least directly, discuss sociological themes. Nay, more than this. As Dr. W. Cunningham remarks in his Christianity and Social Questions, perhaps the soundest and sanest of the recent books on Sociology, The Parable of the Tares is a warning for all time against the mistake of looking on the kingdom of heaven as an earthly realm from which evil is to be eradicated. . . . No movement which begins with drastic effort to purify society, in the hope of removing contamination from individuals, is consistent with the teaching of this parable. Moreover, Our Lord's work in healing diseases and in satisfying hunger and other human needs-these miracles and the immediate relief which they afforded, as Dr. Cunningham adds, "were never done for their own sake; to our Lord's mind they were entirely subsidiary to the spiritual aims of his ministry" (p. 221).

Does his course, then, in this respect, indicate that he was indifferent to social reform and so that His teaching can not be the authority in sociology? Not at all. Rather does it declare authoritatively the true method of social reform. "The disciple is not above his Master"; as Dr. Cunningham continues, "we must beware of criticising Our Lord's mission as inadequate, and of claiming that we can supplement it by developing new activities in His name, when He Himself refused to sanction them. There may be much eager talk about Christianity and much activity by professing Christians that he will refuse to recognize as emanating from himself." In every sphere of life, political and social, as truly as religious, the individual Christian, as a Christian and because a Christian, has a part to play and a duty to

perform; but the Church in her organized capacity "can only exercise a wise influence on social problems by being true to her Master, and striving to carry on His work, as He saw it, and as He committed it to her charge". She is to seek the reformation of society through the regeneration of individuals. This is the great lesson of Our Lord's example, and teaching, and it is a lesson which needs the supreme, the unique, authority which only He could give.

III. It remains to close this too long discussion with the briefest statement possible of the more important conclusions:

(1) The authority of the Bible does not cover every sociological question. It is a great mistake to expect to settle all or many social problems off-hand with a "Thus saith. the Lord". We can not do this in ethics. We can not do it even in dogmatics. In each one of these spheres, and especially in that of society, very much has been left to the reason of the age and of the individual. There is a large class of social questions, therefore, as to which the right of private judgment must be insisted on. The state ownership of public utilities, the regulation by the state of corporations and of rates-there is a right and a wrong in the case of these and of like issues, and it is highly important that it should be determined; but God's Word has not settled it and, consequently, the church may not presume to do so. Hence, the danger and the wrong of the so-called "Social Creed of the Churches", adopted in 1908, by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. It seeks the authority of the Church for judgments on many of which the Word of God has not passed and which, therefore, the church may not pass. It is a direct infringement of "the liberty wherewith Christ has made us free".

(2) There is, however, a "divine order of human society", and the Bible lays its foundations. These foundations cannot be insisted on too strenuously, and as to them we have no right of private judgment. That

can not be the true order which does injustice to church or state or family, or to the great institute which includes them all and in which each one realizes itself, even the kingdom of God. Thus that can not be a true order which subordinates, as in Erastianism, the church to the state. That can not be a true order which, as in the Papacy, denies the temporal power of the nation. That can not be a true order which, as the spirit of much of modern life, is inimical to the family. That can not be a true order which, as in Socialism, substitutes state-control for providence and puts society in the place of God. Against the principles which underlie every such scheme it is the duty of the Church, and specially of her ministers, most vigorously to protest. Let them do this positively as well as negatively, by laying the scriptural foundations as well as by overturning those of "the wisdom of this world". This is the minister's distinctive function as regards social reform. He is to insist on the supreme authority of the Bible with respect to it.

(3) He is to do other and more. His great work is not to agitate even for the social principles laid down in the Bible. His great work, the greatest of all works, the work which is incomparably the most efficient for social reform, is to strive for the regeneration and development of individual souls through the preaching in all its fulness of "the everlasting Gospel of the grace of God". This is the supreme and the most comprehensive lesson of the Bible regarded as the text-book in Sociology.

Princeton.

WILLIAM BRENTON GREENE, JR.

AN EVANGELICAL VIEW OF CARDINAL

NEWMAN

After years of waiting we now have Newman's Life, and it has been read with the intense interest that its great subject deserves. Mr. Wilfrid Ward has had a difficult task in steering between loyalty to his father and sympathy with Newman. But he has kept the balance very true, though it is not difficult to see that his decisions on the whole are with the Cardinal. These volumes are almost entirely concerned with Newman's Roman Catholic life, only one chapter being given to his Anglican days. The earlier period has already been dealt with adequately in former works. We follow the narrative from point to point with the keenest interest; indeed, it is difficult to lay the book down.

On the whole Mr. Ward has been frank and candid, but, it must be added that, as the British Weekly said,

"His tendency is to lower the lights when ugly and painful things appear. He softens everything, leaving out, as far as possible, the harsh and fierce expressions in controversy and the extravagances of wrath and faith. We cannot quarrel with him, for he always tries to write true history. But true history has to be more candid."

There is another side to much that is connected with Newman both in his Anglican and in his Roman Catholic days, which has not yet appeared in full though we have had hints in several volumes. To quote the British Weekly once

again:

"The story of the Oxford Movement has yet to be written. Dean Church wrote the romance of the Oxford Movement. He told us what chivalry of belief and self-sacrifice there was in it, and there was much. But the scene and the actors are enveloped in a rosy mist. To know the truth, we must go back to the original documents."

And this "rosy mist" is not dispelled by Newman's Biography.

It is a remarkable story and one that gives rise to many conflicting ideas and opinions. Among the discussions to which the book has naturally given rise, room may perhaps

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