additional members being so selected as to give all those who represent the different systems of education, which will be carried on in the affiliated institutions, a fair voice in the Senate.

Accordingly, we find among the Fellows recited in our Act of 1857 five gentlemen who represented the Board of Education which up to 1855 had been entrusted with the duty of supervising the Education of the Presidency; and besides these we find the Director of Public Instruction, the Educational Inspector of the Presidency and the Principals of the then three existing Colleges (Grant Medical, Elphnistone and Poona Colleges) who were by statute made ex-officio members of the Senate. But there is nothing in our Act or By-laws which makes it certain that these gentlemen shall not only be members of the Senate, but shall also take a prominent part in the executive government of the University, nor is there any provision for the Principals of the various aided institutions, which have come into existence since 1857, being ex-officio members of our Senate. Our Syndicate consists, at present, of the Vice-Chancellor, the Deans of the four Faculties (Arts, Law, Medicine and Civil Engineering), and ten Syndics who with the four Deans are elected annually by the members of the four Faculties. At present among the fourteen Deans and Syndics we have the good fortune to count the Director of Public Instruction and three Professors who are actively engaged in the work of education. But there is nothing in our constitution to ensure that fortunate state of things continuing, and the first proposition, therefore, which I venture to submit as one of the features in any reform of our constitution, is the principle that the members of our governing body should be those who are engaged in education in the constituent colleges of the University. I do not for a moment suggest that they should not be assisted by additional members, who may not be actively engaged in education. Among the various schemes put forward during a long course of years for the reform of the London University, there was one formulated by a special committee in 1885, and in the report of that committee there is a reference to "the importance of the presence of men other than those actually engaged in teaching, experienced in the conduct of public business and capable of advising from a non-academic standpoint on educational and other matters affecting the interests of the University." The importance of that principle must not be lost sight of; but surely the majority of the members of our governing body should be those who are actually engaged in education. It is to them that we must look for guidance in the principal duty of a Univesity such as ours-viz., the regulation of the course of instruction to be followed by the students who come up for the various examinations. It is intimately connected with their profession: they have both the leisure and the ability to deal with the subjects which must come before the Syndicate for discussion. Unfortunately in India we have but few men who are not actually engaged in the work of education, but who being experienced in the conduct of public business, have leisure sufficient to enable them to take an active part in the Government of a University. The time of the ordinary European official or business-man is fully occupied; and he is naturally reluctant after a long day's hard work to attend a committee at which his attention must be given with care to various complex matters. When the time comes for him to have leisure, he retires to his own country, and his services are lost to the University. Among native gentlemen, there is a larger choice; and I believe that a greater use could be made of retired officials or men of business, who would give the benefit of their long experience in administrative matters connected with the University. I have often thought what a loss there was to the Bombay University by the death of the late Diwan Bahadur Manibhai Jasbhai, who in his well-earned retirement was bringing his great abilities and experience

to bear on important educational questions. I can only hope that other gentlemen will be persuaded to follow in his steps, and imitate his energetic efforts which were cut short by his untimely death.

Let us for a moment turn to England. Whether we regard the old foundations such as Oxford and Cambridge, or modern foundations as the Victoria University, Manchester, we find the cardinal principle that the main work of government is entrusted to the representatives of the colleges which constitute the University. Our University was formed on the model of the London University (that was before the Charter of 1858), and one of the main objects set out in the earliest scheme for remodelling the constitution of the University of London was the conferring of a substantive voice in the government of the University upon those engaged in the work of University teaching and examination. Let me remind you that one of the projected reforms which Sir Raymond West had in view, fifteen years ago in his Draft Bill for reconstituting the Bombay University, was securing the presence in the Syndicate of an effective representation of the teaching staff. In the agitation which is now being carried on in England with reference to the constitution of the new local authority for secondary education, the principle is recognised that there must be an adequate proportion of persons having a practical knowledge of secondary education. If this is true of secondary education in England, it is equally, if not more, true of higher education in India. The University practically settles the course of instruction which the boy must undergo before presenting himself for entrance to the University, and which the young man must face before he can obtain a degree. We must have men on our council who are acquainted with the practical difficulties connected with education in this country. We may call that council by any name we choose, but the fact remains that it must be composed mainly of those who are engaged in education.

No doubt it will occur to you that there may be difficulties in regard to this line of reform, because the colleges which constitute our University are far apart from each other, and the representatives of the teaching staffs might find it difficult to continually meet and consult for the decision of administrative questions. Here let me digress for a moment and explain why I avoid using the term "affiliated institutions." I know that it has the sanction of long use, and there is authority for the term "affiliation being taken to mean such a connection between an existing University and a college as shall be entered into by their mutual consent. But in my humble opinion the term "affiliation" tends to conceal the important principle that the colleges constitute the University. It suggests the idea of adoption, not the fact that the child is the natural offspring of its parent. In our own Calendar we read that the University of Cambridge passed a resolution that the University of Bombay be adopted as an institution affiliated to the University of Cambridge. That is appropriate language; but not so with regard to our own institutions which constitute our University. I would encourage and foster the sentiment that a college is an integral part of the University. It would tend to remove the idea, to which His Excellency the Viceroy lately referred at Simla, that our colleges are bound to each other by no tie of common feeling and to the University by no tie of filial reverence.

To return to the geographical difficulty: there is a remedy which may occur to you, but which perhaps is hardly within the range of present-day politics in Western India. I refer to the tendency which is very marked in England of each important locality having its own University. And the stimulus which this idea has had on the liberality of wealthy citizens

is wonderful. As an illustration I may refer to the Mason College, Birmingham, which was founded by a Birmingham citizen, Sir Josiah Mason, and which has now by the energy of the people of Birmingham, headed by Mr. Chamberlain, become an independent University. At the first annual meeting of the Court of Governors, it was announced that the promises of donations had risen to an estimated amount of about £410,000, the main object of all interested being a University which should be specially qualified in the great extension of scientific training and inquiry in connection with the trade and industry of the country and especially its practical application to the trade and industry of the great Midland district. At the second annual Court of Governors, held only a few weeks ago, further donations were announced, and the Chancellor (Mr. Chamberlain) referred with pride to the Faculty of Commerce which Birmingham has been the first University to create. The interesting fact was also announced that the Birmingham City Council had made a grant equal to a halfpenny in the pound on the borough rate, producing £5,750 in the financial year beginning in April next, and directed that a similar grant should be provided for in its annual estimates until it should otherwise order. The Staffordshire County Council has similarly identified itself with the aims of the University by making a grant of £500 a year for five years in aid of the School of Mining and Metallurgy.

The same idea is being worked out at Liverpool, Leeds and Manchester, and it provides a tempting ideal for us in Western India, where geographical and other conditions seem to favour it. We should not be open to the reproach which His Excellency the Viceroy so forcibly expressed in his recent visit to Burma in answer to the request for a seperate University at Rangoon, where there is no Medical College, an Engineering College with only a small number of pupils, and those in the elementary stages, Law Classes but no pupils, and only one college teaching up to the degree in Arts, with not much more than 100 pupils on its rolls, and an average daily attendance of less than 90. But in Western India, at Poona for instance, there is the material for a University. There are Arts Colleges, an Engineering College, a Medical School and Law Classes. Then take the case of Sind which geographically is especially suited for an independent University. It is possible that when that province has recovered from the serious blow which plague has inflicted on its commerce, the Sindhis, to whose liberality the existence of the Dayaram Jethmal College is mainly due, may be in a position to redouble their efforts and found a University which, like Birmingham and Liverpool, should specially have in view the trade and industry of the province. Possibly also, in the far future, when the fatal effects of plague and famine have passed away, there may be a University of Gujarat and Kathiawar, with head-quarters at Ahmedabad.

I need hardly add that in carrying into effect this ideal of the future the greatest care and caution would be necessary. Legislation would probably be required for a statutory commission to decide as to the allotment of the various endowments of the existing University, and the wishes of founders and founders' kin would have to be considered. Then the necessity of not lowering the academical standard would have to be never lost sight of-a necessity which is of the greatest importance at the present day in connection with the existing Universities in India -while it is to be hoped that an honourable rivalry would be created, and that each University would take a pride in maintaining a high standard. And we should be able to meet a problem which urgently requires solution, and that is the necessity of having within easy reach external examiners for all our University examinations, for the staffs of each University would be available as external examiners of each other.

But, gentlemen, I must admit that I am looking too far forward into the future. We have to deal with the stern realities of the present. As His Excellency the Viceroy remarked, consolidation rather than multiplication of academic institutions is the object which for the present must be held in view. I was led to mention of the ideal by the object lesson which is now becoming so visible in England. And the point which I wish to emphasize is that it is the wealthy citizens to whom we must look for the funds to maintain and extend higher education. I doubt whether this point is sufficiently understood in some quarters. It is supposed that because the Government of Bombay make no direct payment to our University chest, therefore they contribute nothing to University education. That mistake is mainly due to our not realizing that the University Colleges are the University. Apart from the funds contributed by Government in the foundation of those institutions, there is a large sum-about 14 lacannually given from Provincial Revenues to the two Government and five aided Arts Colleges. And if we add about lac which the Provincial Revenues contribute to the professional college at Poona, we get a total of about 1 lac, not counting the annual expenditure on the Grant Medical College. Now the total expenditure on education from Provincial Funds in Western India may be taken as 20 lacs in round figures, and the total sum expended on education in the Presidency is given by the Director as 74 lacs, but that includes the colleges in Native States which are maintained by Native Governments. Even including these, and all items of income (fees, subscriptions, endowments, &c.), we find that the contribution by Government to University Colleges comes to more than 2 per cent. of the total expenditure on education in the whole Presidency, while the proportion to the total Provincial expenditure is about 8 per cent.

Now let us turn again to England. In 1900 upon the highest education-for University Colleges and Universities the grants made by Government were less than £100,000, in fact less than 1 per cent, of the total expenditure upon education. That, remember, is in England, where the needs of primary education have been met, where in fact, the nation spent in 1900 something like 13 millions on primary education, which has been practically established on a firm and broad basis, within the reach of every child in the country. Even so, the liability of the Imperial Exchequer to contribute to University education in England is not admitted. At present the Treasury grant to twelve modern University Colleges is £25,000; and only the other day when a deputation representing the Colleges approached the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the subject of an augmentation of the annual grant, the Chancellor stated that there was no liability on the part of the Imperial Exchequer for University education in England, and declared that that was a doctrine which had always been accepted by Governments and by Parliament. If this be so in England, how much more necessarily so must it be in India, where it has been consistently declared for half a century that the education of the masses must be the main object of the expenditure of Government on education? Until the claims of primary education are satisfied, it is idle to call on Government for increased grants to any large extent towards University or higher education. The Commission of 1882-83 dwelt on the point. One of its principal recommendations was "that while every branch of education can justly claim the fostering care of the State, it is desirable, in the present circumstances of the country, to declare the elementary education of the masses, its provision, extension and improvement, to be that part of the educational system to which the strenuous efforts of the State should now be directed in a still larger measure than heretofore." This was strongly endorsed in the Government Resolution on the report of the Commission,

it being noted that efforts should be made to call forth private liberality in the endowment of scholarships not only in Arts Colleges but for the encouragement of technical education. The same principle was relied on in the well-known resolution of the Government of India of October 1899, which declared that it is primary education which has the chief claim on the State, every form of private effort being systematically encouraged and increasingly and mainly relied on for all kinds of "advanced education."

We, in Bombay, are proud of the benefactions connected with our University. The Hall in which we are gathered this evening bears the name of a well-known citizen who gave one lac of rupees towards its erection. Another well-known citizen gave four lacs for yonder Library and Tower which are so much admired by all visitors to Bombay. The college which is situated within a few yards of this Convocation Hall owes its existence to the liberality of the citizens who in honour of a great statesman founded an institution which should always bear his name, and the same citizen who contributed to the erection of this Hall gave two lacs for the building of the college. Nor were his benefactions confined to Bombay. He gave lac towards building the College of Science at Poona, while another citizen, the head of the Parsee Community, gave a lac towards the erection of the Deccan College. What indeed are our aided colleges, but monuments of liberality both at home and abroad towards the advancement of higher education in Western India"

Then, besides the various scholarships and prizes at our University Colleges, there is a fund amounting to about 10 lacs of rupees, the interest of which is administered in our University Office. This represents about ninety endowments. If we deduct the principal one-the sum of 3 lacs which we obtained as residuary legatees under the late Sir Mangaldass Nathubhai's will-and the nine which represent original endowments of between Rs. 20,000 and 30,000, and the six which represent original endowments between Rs. 10,000, and 15,000, and two of Rs. 7,000 or Rs. 8,000, we have a balance of about 3 lacs representing seventy endowments, each with a corpus of Rs. 6,000 or less. One should hesitate before looking at a gift horse in the mouth, but certainly it is a serious matter for consideration whether most of our endowments are not split up into too many small items, causing considerable labour in administration, and not yielding benefits to higher education commensurate with the total sum expended. It is only natural that persons with limited means, wishing to commemorate some relative or distinguished member of a caste or community, should desire to found a prize or scholarship, however small, which should bear the name of the person who is to be commemorated. I wish that this object of commemoration could be attained by tablets in our Library or some such public portion of our University buildings, and that benefactors would thus be encouraged not to found independent small prizes but to contribute towards large endowments, such as lectureships and chairs in the various sciences. To take an illustration from one of our modern University Colleges in England: A professorship or lectureship in Economics is about to be founded in connection with the Yorkshire College, Leeds, and towards the endowment of the chair a lady has offered the sum of £1,500, while the Chamber of Commerce and other public bodies are also forwarding the movement. Is not the same thing possible in Bombay? Will not the Corporation and other public bodies help us? Is there no Sir James Timmins Chance in Bombay who will give us £50,000 towards a chair of Engineering? Can we not emulate the citizens of Birmingham who raised over £100,000 to make their college an independent University ? At Liverpool, since the University College was established twenty years ago,