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ployed in that fervice by fea and land, as rivetting on her chains, her fworn and implacable enemy?

The fleet and army of England, and as the has not men fufficient, hofts of foreign mercenaries muft be hired, and compofe her standing peace establishment. The confequences of fo enormous an additional power thrown into the hands of the crown, are too obvious to require any comment, and too melancholy to be dwelt upon with pleasure. The English conftitution will inevitably perifh in the fame grave, into which our pride and injustice had a little before precipitated the liberties of

America.

If fuch are the conféquences of the most perfect fuccefs which the minifters can wish for, by the compleat reduction of the colonies, they asked, in what fituation fhall we be if we fail in the attempt The most violent advocates for war, do not even pretend to any certainty of fuccefs. That queftion is acknowledged by all to be pro blematical; and are the confequences in that event to be totally overlooked? Should we unfortunately be foiled and difgraced in a ruinous conteft with our own people, in a war attended with circumftances of expence, before unheard of in the history of mankind, and unsupposed in the calculations of politicians; fhould our fleets and armies be wafted and ruined, our treasures exhaufted, our expenditure and taxes increased, in an inverfe proportion to our lofs of power, dominion, and commerce, whilft a newly-acquired debt was everwhelming the old, and our ancient friends and fellow-fubjects were become our rivals and com

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petitors in every thing that was left, if the poffibility of thefe unhappy events is admitted, is not the prefent a proper time to view them in their utmost extent, and to ufe every poffible means to prevent their taking place? Is not the fituation in which fuch circumftances would place us with refpect to the rest of Europe, an object of confideration ?

Surely no fubjects were ever difcuffed in any affembly, which called more ftrongly for the fulleft and cleareft information, the most mature deliberation, and for higher wisdom in determining.

Upon the whole, it was contended by oppofition, that either adminiftration had been most grofsly impofed upon themfelves in every thing relative to the colonies, or had intentionally deceived and mifled parliament, by the fuppreffion of true information, and the advancement of false, in order thereby to lead the nation piecemeal, and by ftated progreffes into a war, until they were fo far involved, that there could not be a poffibility of receding. From thefe premifes they inferred, that whether our calamities poceeded from their ignorance and incapacity, or from a traiterous defign of impofition, in either cafe, they were no longer fit to be trusted in any public affairs, much less with thofe, which they had already involved in fuch ruin, it being totally immaterial in this refpect, what motives influenced their conduct, or from what caufes their faults proceeded.

On the other fide, the veracity of the fpeech in all its parts, was warmly contended for. In particular, the charge against the Ame

ricans

was most strenuously fupported. In proof, it was afked, whether the Congrefs had not seized all the powers of government? Whether they had not raised armies, and taken measures for paying, cloathing, and subfifting them? Have they not iffued bills to a great amount, upon continental credit? Are they not forming a marine? Are they not waging war in all its forms against this country, at the very inftant that they hypocritically pretend to owe a conftitutional obedience to her? Are these acts of fovereignty and independence, or are they only the dutiful and loyal applications of fubjects for obtaining a redrefs of grievances? It was infifted, that their words correfponded with their actions; that in the intercepted letters and papers, as well as the public writings and declarations of feveral of their leaders they boast of the labour and fuccefs with which they are new modelling their government, and talk of their new. vempire as already established. Can any one after this pretend to question the tendency of their views?

ricans of feeking independence, As to conciliation, every hope of that fort, was faid, to be now at an end. Parliament had already tried every experiment to reclaim the incorrigible difpofition of the Americans, endeavouring, if poffible, to avoid bringing matters to the utmost extremity. But what has the gained by this conduct? her lenity, her reluctance to punish, was conftrued into weaknefs and fear, and the time which fhe facrificed to forbearance and moderation, was fedulously applied by the Americans to preparation and war. If the matter in difpute were merely a contention for a revenue, it might be prudent to fufpend that claim till a more favourable feafon; parliament, though fhe could not give up the right of taxation, had already obviated the objections that were made to the exercife of it, by permitting the Americans to tax themselves; but what return have they made to this indulgence? they have given a new proof of their difobedience and contempt; for though they knew any reasonable fum would be ac cepted, they would not gratify this country fo far as to contribute a fingle hilling towards the common exigencies of the state.

It was asked, what even the language they held out for the deception of this country amounted to? The Congrefs have declared in general terms that they did not aim at independency. But if we examine their particular claims, and compare them with this general affertion, we fhall find, that the dependence which they would acknowledge, will virtually amount to little more than a nominal obedience to whoever fits on the throne, and very nearly a renunciation of the jurifdiction of the British legislature.

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ledged, that it were much to be wifhed, that affairs were now precisely in the fame fituation, that they had been in the year 1763; but matters had taken fuch a turn, and things were fo totally changed fince that time, that it was in vain now to look back; and as to a repeal of the great body of American laws which had been paffed within that period, fuch a measure would be a virtual furrender of America, to all ufeful or beneficial intents and purposes whatfoever.

As to any retrofpect into the causes of these troubles, or the manner in which we had been brought into the prefent unhappy fituation, it was not apprehended that fuch an enquiry could answer any useful purpofe. The prefent object was to remedy, not to investigate the evil. It was believed, that no miniftry fince the time of the ftamp act had been entirely free from blame upon the fubject; that probably the fault did not fo much lie in any particular meafures, as in that variable and fluctuating conduct, which had fo remarkably prevailed with refpect to America; that the nature of our government, however, had rendered fuch conduct in fome degree unavoidable; but the great weight of blame was thrown upon thofe, who not fatisfied with expreffing their difapprobation of particular measures, had argued both within and without doors, against the authority of the fupreme lcgiflature itself; and who, from an excess of zeal in fupport of America, and an apprehenfion that the colonies might be ruled with too heavy a hand, feemed too much to forget the interefts of the mother country.

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As to the expediency of adopt ing the measures propofed in the fpeech, it was faid, that it did not admit of a question. We were now in a fituation, which did not afford a poffibility of receding, without fhame, ruin, and difgrace. The conteft was empire. We muft either fupport and establish our fovereignty, or give up America for ever. The eyes of all Europe were upon them. The future fate of the British Empire, and of ages yet unborn, would depend upon their firmness or indecifion. ftrong picture was drawn, of the confequences that would attend America's becoming an independent empire; of her interference with us, in our trade, and in our deareft interefts, in every quarter of the globe. It was acknowledged, that the reduction of America would be attended with great and numerous difficulties. That it was a conteft of the most serious nature; and however fuccefsful we might be, that the confequences must be feverely felt by the nation. But however awful the fituation, it was the first duty of a great national affembly, not to defpair of the republic; and where the interests of a great people were at ftake, difficulties must be encountered and overcome, not submitted to.

The difficulties were not, however, greater than we had often furmounted. Let us recollect the ftrength, the numerous refources, and above all, the high and invincible fpirit of the British nation, which, when rouzed, knows no oppofition, but rifes in proportion to the magnitude of the difficulty and danger. Let us recollect the great, extenfive, and fuccessful

wars,

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wars, which this country carried on before America was known; or that late period when we defended this very people from the attacks of the most powerful and warlike nation in Europe; when our armies gave law, and our fleets rode triumphant on every coaft. Shall we then be told, that this people of yesterday, whofe greatnefs is the work of our own hands, can refift the powerful efforts of this nation.

As to the danger apprehended from foreign powers, they faid, that we were never more unembarraffed in that respect than at prefent; but that however, it were ridiculous to fuppofe, that we were to court the approbation, and wait the confent of every state in Europe, before we durft venture to quell or to punish, a commotion or rebellion among our own people. They concluded, that war was at all times an evil, but in many inftances, as in this, an inevitable one? that in fuch cafes, regret or complaint could anfwer no purpofe; we were plunged in, and muft depend upon our native resources and bravery to carry us through as fuccefsfully as they had already so often done upon

other occafions.

Amongst the matter brought forth by the replies to fome of the foregoing pofitions, the conciliatory propofition of the preceding feffion, became of course a fubject of difcuffion. The oppofition contended, that taxation, as it had been originally, was ftill the object of contention; that it was not in any degree changed by what was falfely and ridiculously called the conciliatory propofition; the Americans denied the right and refifted the power of taxation, as

unconftitutional; an infidious propofal is held out, folely with re gard to the temporary manner of exercifing that right; a propofal which, far from giving it up, had been fupported as the strongest and most effectual exercise of it, and which was evidently calculated, only to produce diffentions amongst the colonies, without fatisfaction to that country, or relief to this. No change is made in the claim, or in the caufe of difpute. They reject that alfo; and the question is still in its original state, without the leaft change in respect to its nature or effence. They therefore infifted, that it was not fact, that the Americans when conftitutionally called upon, had ever refused to contribute a juft proportion to the defence of the empire.

The queftion of rebellion was also agitated; and it was afferted, that the taking up of arms in the defence of just rights, did not, according to the spirit of the British conflitution, come within that comprehenfion. It was alfo afferted with great confidence, that notwithstanding the mifchiefs the Americans had fuffered, and the great loffes they had fuftained, they would ftill readily lay down their arms, and return with the greatest good-will and emulation to their duty, if candid and unequivocal measures were taken for re-inftating them in their former rights. But that this must be done fpeedily, before the evils had taken too wide an extent, and the animofity and irritation arifing from them, had gone beyond a certain pitch.

The boafted lenity of parlia ment was much rallied. It was afked, whether the Boston port bill, by which, without trial or condem

nation,

nation, a number of people were stripped of their commercial property, and even deprived of the benefit of their real estates, was an inftance of it? Was it to be found in the fishery bill, by which large countries were cut off from the use of the elements, and deprived of the provifion which nature had allotted for their fuftenance? Or was taking away the charter, and all the rights of a people, without trial or forfeiture, the measure of lenity from which fuch applause was now fought? Was the indemnity held out to military power lenity. Was it lenity to free foldiers from a trial in the country, where the murders with which they fhould ftand charged, when acting in fupport of civil and revenue officers, were committed, and forcing their accufers to come to England at the pleafure of a governor.

In the course of thefe long and warm debates, all the old questions, on the right of taxation, on virtual representation, on the dignity of parliament, the fupremacy of the legislature, and on the abfolute neceflity, that a fupreme and uncontroulable power, must be fomewhere lodged in all governments, were again canvaffed; and the old ground, which had been fo often traced, was fo embellifhed, either by a freshness of colour ing, or by changing the pofition, or fituation of the objects, as to give it in feveral parts the appearance of novelty.

The gentleman who had feconded the motion for the addrefs, and who had himself been a governor of one of the fouthern colonies, having hazarded fomething like a propofal, for encouraging the negroes in that part of Ame

rica to rife against their mafters, and for fending fome regiments to fupport and encourage them, in carrying the defign into execution, was moft feverely reprehended from the other fide, and the fcheme to tally reprobated, as being too black, horrid, and wicked, to be heard of, much lefs adopted by any civilized people.

Thefe long debates were put an end to, at about half an hour past four o'clock in the morning, by a divifion upon the latter motion; when the amendment was rejected by a majority of 278, against r08. The original question being then put, the motion for the addrefs was carried without a divifion.

Though the fatiguing bufinefs they had gone through, and the lateness of their breaking up, would have well excufed the recefs of a day, the forms of the houfe in this inftance prevented it, as they were obliged, that afternoon, to receive the report upon the addrefs, from the committee. This circumftance afforded an opportunity for renewing all the preceding debates, and for bringing up fuch fubjects, as had either been paffed over, or but flightly touched upon before.

To explain this matter it will be neceffary to obferve, that the part of the fpeech which mentioned as a favour the fending of Hanoverian troops to Gibraltar and Mi norca, as well as the correfponding part of the addrefs, which acknowledged and returned thanks for it in that fenfe, had, befides the party in declared oppofition, given difguft to feveral of thofe gentlemen, who call themselves inde pendent; a diftinction, which is well known, to include a numerous

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