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opment, that I have been drawn further into
to Oswego than to Buffalo, we find that this route will cheapen the transportation on every bushel of wheat nearly four cents, which of itself is no small item for western men to examine in connection with this question. The same thing is true with reference to all articles of western production seeking our eastern markets.
Now, I submit whether this is not a measure that demands the serious attention of all sections, and claims an unqualified approval from Representatives of all portions of the country, for all are deeply interested in the general benefits to flow from its success. There are several outlets for the trade that reaches Lake Ontario: the Oswego and Erie canal, to Troy, and the Hudson river, besides two railroads at Syracuse, and another in contemplation; the Cape Vincent, the Rome and Watertown railroad, which now receives large consignments of lake produce, and delivers the same in New York by Central railroad, or Erie canal at Rome. The projected road from the Hudson to Lake Ontario, by the way of Saratoga, is being rapidly pushed forward, and will form another important avenue for western produce. The road from Ogdensburg to Boston is in successful operation, and supporting large lines of steamers in trade with the western States. By this route large amounts of produce are also sent to New York by way of Lake Champlain and canal. Other routes to the East are suggested and doubtless will be constructed, for the commercial energy of our people is unlimited, and will constantly increase as the demands for outlet increase. One of the most prominent is a water communication with the lakes, by way of a canal from Montreal, through Lake Champlain, and canal to the navigable waters of the Hudson, a distance of only sixty miles. But the success of all or any of these routes of communication, which are bound to be completed before very long, in which I insist the whole country is interested, depends entirely upon an opening between Lake Ontario and our western lakes by way of a ship-canal. There is no other as cheap, as proper, and as feasible. Shall we have it on the American side, or shall we continue to pay tribute to Canadian skill and enterprise? More than three quarters of all the commerce of the upper lakes is American, and hence it will be seen that we are keeping up the Welland canal by our enterprise and capital. We have paid for it and continually support it, and unless we move in the construction of a canal ourselves we shall furnish the means for its speedy enlargement and its continued support and prosperity.
When our great and unequaled lines of communication are all opened between the Pacific and the Atlantic, Asia will be compelled to pay us tribute and send her products across our continent, through the Atlantic cities to their destination. It has been well said that " we are yet to dictate laws in the arts, sciences, and finance to the whole world, as well as be acknowledged the commercial, agricultural, and manufacturing center of the whole earth. Among the means used to secure this grand result is the work proposed by this bill. Itasks but a small favor compared with what has been granted and will yet be granted to other projects equally meritorious and worthy of consideration. The millions of money given to the Pacific railroad, for which I had the privilege of voting in the Thirty-Seventh Congress was a wise investment; and others of the same nature will do as much toward bringing about the condition of things to which I have referred. They develop, quicken, and push forward enterprise, labor, intelligence, and skill, all of which in their turu enrich and cover over our land with wealth and prosperity.
But if the East and middle States will persist in their opposition to this measure, the West and Northwest will be compelled, and be justifiable, too, in making such arrangements as will meet their interests and take their immense surplus of productions by way of the Ottawa canal, to be constructed, to the St. Lawrence, and fise that river as an casement to the ocean. I am glad that the West is so unanimously in favor of this measure, and hope that any unwise and selfish policy of any section may not lessen their devotion to the grand idea of developing our own resources by means of improvements like this within our own territory and under the control of our own people. Open up this connection between the lakes, and it will not be long before the New York canal, in her locks at least, will be enlarged to meet the demands upon them. Whether this canal be made or not, such an increase will be accomplished, but this is no reason why this work should not be done, as I have clearly shown, as all the additional facilities will be indispensable, and furnished from some quarter if not by us.
This work is entirely national in its characWe owe it to ourselves to aid in its construction, and thus secure it speedily. We owe it to the bold, enterprising men who have invested their property in commerce, and who are among the bravest of our people and the most patriotic of our citizens, that we open up this way of trade, and no longer compel them to pay tribute to those who have for us but little sympathy and respect, as the last few years of our trial have clearly shown. Our brave and loyal citizens engaged in service on our lakes ought not, any longer than it will take to construct our own ship-canal, be compelled to use theirs in the prosecution of their legitimate business; and Congress and the Government ought to give their early attention to the construction of the work that is now proBut, Mr. Speaker, I have detained the House posed. Like many other works of the past few much longer than I had intended to do in this years and present, it would stand as a monudebate; but the question opens up such inter- ment to the intelligence, patriotism, and energy esting fields of contemplation in connection of the men and the Government who nobly with the future of our country, and the vast came up to and met the struggles of the present transactions of its future commercial, agricul-day amid the darkest storms and greatest obstatural, and manufacturing prosperity and devel- cles. It would be an honor to the age which
All our broad expanse of country from ocean to ocean will be filled with free, intelligent, and enterprising people, living in and controlling States with institutions calculated to lift them up to the highest point of civilization, and fill our whole land with blessings and happiness. Railroads and canals, fostered and aided by the Government when and where necessary, reaching out their long lines across the continent, and interlocking with each other, ramifying in every direction, through every mountain pass, or piercing the mountain's side, along the rivers, over the prairies, upon the very thresholds of all our towns and cities, bringing ocean near to ocean and making near neighbors of the most remote sections of our united and happy land; all pouring into our Treasury untold wealth, and making us complete masters of the whole earth in every material point of view. What a sublime field for contemplation and thought! It remains to be seen whether we shall be worthy of such a destiny, whether we fully comprehend the duties of the hour, and whether we are ready to grasp the occasion and secure these great advantages.
Every such work as this bill proposes to authorize tends to bind our people together in a common interest, and adds one more link to the bond of union, and increases each man's capital stock in his country's good name and honor.
witnesses its execution and a blessing to our whole people.
Mr. Speaker, I now yield ten minutes of my time to the gentleman from Illinois.
Mr. ROSS. Mr. Speaker, from the cursory examination I have been able to give this measure, I am inclined to look upon it favorably. I have not examined the minutia of the provisions of the bill, but the general objects which it contemplates are so different from those which ordinarily are presented for the consideration of this House that they certainly commend themselves to my judgment.
I regard this as a measure in the interest of peace, a measure in the interest of commerce, a measure in the interest of the prosperity of the whole country. It is not like many measures which have been pressed upon the consideration of this House during the last few months. It is not a measure to appropriate eleven or twelve million dollars for the purpose of feeding, clothing, and building schoolhouses for lazy, indolent negroes who will not work. It is nothing of the kind. It is not a measure for the purpose of raising the compensation of the heads of some of the bureaus who are hanging about at the skirt tail of members and of employés about this House, who beg to get into a public position, and who spend all the time afterward in trying to get their compensation increased.
I am aware at the threshold that the distinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. J. M. HUMPHREY] enunciates the grave doctrine to this House that this is an unconstitutional measure. My friend behind me says that that is a played-out question. I do not so regard it. I claim to be a strict constructionist of the Constitution. Still I do not believe in the doctrine that you can put your arms into the public Treasury and take millions of money from the people of the great West to expend upon the sea-board of the East, and that there is no constitutional right to make appropria tions for the purpose of improving the great inland seas of the West.
The gentleman tells us that we are infringing upon the rights of New York, that we are going to take her precious soil without her consent. Why, sir, I suppose we would have to make a little hole in the rocks around the falls of Niagara. But that is not the secret of the gentleman's opposition to this bill. He tells us about the large expenditures that have been made at Buffalo in the way of warehouses for the purpose of taking charge of the products of the western country that are sent to the eastern market. He knows full well that thousands of his constituents live upon this business of transporting products from the West, reshipping them at Buffalo. That is the secret of his opposition to this bill.
It so happens, Mr. Speaker, that this is a measure that is in favor with the people. It is a measure in behalf of the toiling millions scattered throughout the length and breadth of our country, who do not throng the lobbies and ask for the passage of measures for their particular benefit. And now I want to see how the Representatives of the people will respond to this call that is made by their constituency at home with reference to this measure of great and paramount interest.
ME. DELANO. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. ROSS. For a question? Mr. DELANO. It is not a question. Mr. ROSS. I cannot yield; I have but a few minutes left. This is a measure in which the whole country is interested, unless it is the constituents of the gentleman from Buffalo, [Mr. J. M. HUMPHREY,] who want to have a portion of the products of our farms stick to their hands in transit through the city of Buf falo. Why, sir, it reduces the price of the commodity to the consumer and it enhances it to the producer. It is mutual in its benefit.
The distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ELIOT] yesterday gave us some valuable statistics in relation to the products of the great Northwest, especially of the State which I have the honor in part to represent on
inserted in the bill by which Congress is em-
He is situated somewhat differently from myself in this regard. I come from the city of New York, where, in common with the great portion of the northern Atlantic sea-board, our interest is to procure cheap food; and that will as time rolls on become more and more the great interest of all the northeastern States. On the contrary the interest of the great West, which is becoming more and more the grain
Mr. STEVENS. I merely want to say that I regard this bill as constitutional, not under the war power particularly, but under the power in the Constitution to regulate commerce between the States. Although the pro-producing portion of this continent, is to posed canal is entirely within the limits of one obtain access to those who wish to purchase State, the commerce which it is to convey is the food which the western States have to between a great number of separate States; sell. This project is part of a grand scheme therefore I have no difficulty in overcoming of works upon which this Congress must at any difficulty or scruple about internal im- some day or other enter, to facilitate comprovements; especially when I find the gen- munication between the grain-producing and tleman from Illinois [Mr. Ross] overriding the grain-consuming portions of this country. his old prejudices and his old constitutional As a measure looking toward this great object objections against works of internal improve- I favor the bill now before us. ment by the General Government.
this floor. But strange enough, after he had gone through with the advantages of navigation and pointed out the fact that we had to give three bushels of our corn to get one to market, he had nothing in his river and harbor bill for the improvement of the Illinois river, one of the great arteries which is necessary to complete this line of communication around the Niagara falls, so that the people of New England who have been fed on codfish and herring may be furnished with the corn, pork, and beef of the western States. [Laughter.]
Sir, in my judgment this is a measure that should commend itself to the House. It is said to be a war measure. Well, it may be necessary as a precautionary measure. It may be proper in view of the contingency of a war, but I do not regard it in that aspect. I am not in favor of the proposition now pending before the House to create a large standing army at enormous expense to the people. This is a very different measure. Gentlemen could vote this morning eleven or twelve millions for the Freedmen's Bureau easily enough, but when you ask for a loan of $6,000,000 to make a great national work in which the whole people, consumers and producers, are equally interested, constitutional objections spring up at once, My worthy friend from New York [Mr. WARD] wanted to strike out this appropriation of $6,000,000 for this great national work, but he had no objection to eleven or twelve millions for the Freedmen's Bureau.
If my friend from New York [Mr. VAN HORN] who has this bill in charge will only infuse a little vigor in it there will be no difficulty in its passing the House. But because it is a measure in behalf of the farmers, the producers and consumers of the country, I fear that it may receive the cold shoulder in this Congress. I trust that the time has come when those who represent the great Northwest, which has been talked so much about here, will come to the rescue of her interest, and show by their votes that they are in truth in favor of a measure of this character.
In my judgment, this will never be any burden upon the Treasury of the United States. If I understood the amendment which was offered this morning, it proposes that the Government shall receive ten per cent. of the gross earnings of this canal. If such is the case most unquestionably every one who is conversant with the vast amount of business which will necessarily be done upon a canal of this character will know that the Government will be amply remunerated for every dollar that it shall expend in aid of this work.
I know there are interests adverse to measures of this character. But they come from Buffalo; they come, perhaps, from interested individuals in the State of New York who desire to impede the commerce and trammel the prosperity of the country.
Mr. DRIGGS. I am disposed to favor this bill, for I regard this as a great national measure. I recollect that last year when the Government built one of the cutters ordered for the lakes, after it had been completed at Oswego, they were not allowed to take it through the Welland canal. I have only to say to the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Ross] that while he opposed the Northern Pacific railroad the other day because it passed through certain locali ties, he favors this one because he considers it may promote the interests of his own particular locality. I favor it, as I believe all the members from Michigan will do, because I consider it a great national measure.
Mr. HARDING, of Illinois. With the permission of the gentleman from New York, [Mr. VAN HORN,] I will say that I am decidedly in favor of improving the great national highways of the country; and I deem the proposed canal by which it is proposed to avoid the obstructions of Niagara falls to be one of that character. I had at first intended to oppose this bill, because I am opposed to appropriation of moneys by Congress to the use and benefit of corporations. But a provision has been
Now, I beseech the gentlemen from Illinois, who had such strong constitutional objections to the Pacific railroad bill, to give up their objections and go for this bill. And if we could persuade the members from Illinois and the members from Wisconsin and my friend who lives in Cleveland, that beautiful city upon the lakes, [Mr. SPALDING,] to give up their scruples, we might carry the bill through the House. I do pray that they will lay aside those prejudices or that they will no longer exist. I am glad my friend from Illinois [Mr. HARDING] who has just spoken has yielded his prejudices for a moment to the convincing argument of the gentleman upon the other side, [Mr. Ross,] who seems to have forgotten his principles of yesterday. And I am glad that he has, and I only hope he will never remember them again. And I should be glad if my friend from the Pittsburg district [Mr. MOORHEAD] and others in his neighborhood would forego their prejudices and vote for this bill.
Mr. MOORHEAD. I will.
I shall go for this measure, as I did for one
Mr. STEVENS. He says he will. I tell you the millennium day is coming; [laughter;] blind eyes are opened, and deaf ears are unstopped, [renewed laughter,] and I do not know where this blaze of glory will end.
I know the gentleman from the Galena district [Mr. WASHBURNE] would like to see this bill pass if it is likely to do any good. But his record is such that it is impossible for him to do anything but make a short speech against it. And if he should speak against it, it would be in a voice of thunder, denouncing the terrible extravagance of those who thus vote away the public money merely to improve the country for the present generation and for future
STEVENS]-and I believe we are the only two members of the House of whom this can be said that we have not, upon this or any other subject, any prejudice whatever that we can be called upon to surrender. [A laugh.] Therefore we shall vote together on this bill.
I trust, sir, that this bill may pass. I support it with sincerity. I believe it contemplates a great and a good work. If it were defeated I should grieve, if it were only on account of the noble man who has it in charge and who never fails to act liberally.
Mr. VAN HORN, of New York. I yield the remainder of my time to my colleague, [Mr. RAYMOND.]
Mr. RAYMOND. Mr. Speaker, in view of what has just been said, it is perhaps proper that I should congratulate myself, in common with the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
beg leave to say, furthermore, that I shall, to the extent of my ability, favor every measure that may be brought before the House proposing to facilitate communication between the great West and the Atlantic sea-board, and fall
within what I may deem the scope of the constitutional provisions on the subject. In my judgment the facilitating of all such communications, the cheapening of food for the East by opening communications with the markets of the great West, is hereafter to be one of the great works to which this Government is to give its attention.
The eastern portion of the country is drifting rapidly into the condition in which England found herself before the repeal of the corn laws. At the time of the adoption of the repealing act, her protective policy which she had pursued for centuries was abandoned under the pressure of the great and paramount necessity of obtaining cheap food for her people. That necessity broke down her prejudices, reversed her settled policy, and inaugurated an entire change in the whole course of her legislation. A similar occurrence must sooner or later take place with respect to the eastern portion of this continent.
Whatever, therefore, tends to facilitate communication between these two great sections of the country, tends to consolidate-not to reconstruct, for it is not needed in that regard, but to consolidate-the Union of the States, and make that Union perpetual, because it tends to make it one in interest, as it will be one in destiny.
I have not examined this bill, so far as its details are concerned, with any care; but I have the greatest confidence in the committee which has had it in charge, and in my colleague, [Mr. VAN HORN,] who has taken it under his particular supervision.
Mr. DELANO. As the gentleman says he has not examined the bill in its details, will he permit me to call his attention to one of its features?
Mr. RAYMOND. Yes, sir.
Mr. DELANO. Does the gentleman know how much money the bill proposes to take out of the Treasury?
Mr. RAYMOND. If I am correctly informed, it proposes to take no money out of the Treasury; but it proposes to lend the credit of the Government to the extent of $6,000,000; and I beg to say that I consider it in that regard the best appropriation of $6,000,000 upon which this Congress will be able to congratulate itself.
Mr. DELANO. Is the gentleman aware that one of the sections of the bill looks directly to the Government assuming the whole thing after the company has been permitted to go on borrowing at the rate of ten per cent. interest? Has the gentleman looked at the details of this monstrous measure at all? I do not believe he has; nor do I believe that the House understands what it is about to do in the passage of the bill.
Mr. RAYMOND. The gentleman's skepticism in regard to the extent of my knowledge may or may not be well founded. I say again, as I said before, that I have not considered the details of the bill; but my impression is that I am quite as well informed as the gentleman seems to be in regard to its general scope and bearing upon the present and future prosperity of the country. On this general conviction I am quite willing to act. I am responsible for no one's vote but my own, and that will be given most cheerfully for the passage of the bill. Mr. VAN HORN, of New York. How much time have I left?
The SPEAKER. Two minutes.
Mr. VAN HORN, of New York. I yield them to my colleague, [Mr. DODGE.]
Mr. DODGE. Mr. Speaker, I simply wish to say in regard to this as a new work, that notwithstanding the fears of the canal commissioners of the State of New York, I shall vote cheerfully for the bill, because I believe the prosperity of the city and State of New York is identified with the prosperity of the West. I believe just in proportion as Illinois and the other western States are able to produce and get profits on their products, not to dispose of them merely at cost, but as they can make a prófit on their productions, will they traffic with the city of New York, and use our canals and railroads so as to make them permanently prosperous. I shall vote for this bill under the firm conviction that the prosperity of the country is the prosperity of the city of New York.
On motion of Mr. VAN HORN, of New York, Mr. MILLER was granted leave to publish as part of the debates some remarks he had prepared on the pending measure. [The remarks will be found in the Appendix.]
Mr. DELANO. I move that the House do now adjourn. We have too thin a House to consider so important a measure.
Mr. J. M. HUMPHREY demanded the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were not ordered.
The question recurred on the substitute of Mr. VAN HORN, of New York, and it was agreed to.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time.
Mr. DELANO moved that the bill be laid upon the table, and on that motion demanded the and nays. yeas The yeas and nays were ordered.
The question was taken; and it was decided in the negative-yeas 32, nays 85, not voting 66; as follows:
YEAS-Messrs. Ancona, Benjamin, Bergen, Boyer, Buckland, Chanler, Dawson, Delano, Deming, Denison, Eldridge, Finck, Glossbrenner, Grider, Aaron Harding, Chester D. Hubbard, James R. Hubbell, James M. Humphrey, Latham, Marvin, Niblack, Orth, Samuel J. Randall, William H. Randall, Ritter, Shanklin, Strouse, Taylor, Francis Thomas, Ward, Williams, and Stephen F. Wilson-32.
NAYS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, James M. Ashley, Baker, Banks, Baxter, Beaman, Bidwell, Bingham, Blaine, Boutwell, Brandegee, Bromwell, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Conkling, Cullom, Darling, Dawes, Defrees, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eliot, Farnsworth, Ferry, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswold, Abner C. Harding, Henderson, Higby, Holmes, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, John H. Hubbard, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Kelso, Kuykendall, Laflin, William Lawrence, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marshall, McClurg, McKee, McRuer, Moorhead, Morrill, Morris, Moulton, O'Neill, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Raymond, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Rollins, Ross, Sawyer, Shellabarger, Smith, Spalding, Stevens, Stilwell, Thornton, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Warner, Elihu B. Washburne, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Washburn, James F. Wilson, Windom, and Woodbridge-85.
NOT VOTING-Messrs. Anderson, Delos R. Ashley, Baldwin, Barker, Blow, Broomall, Bundy, Reader W. Clarke, Coffroth, Cook, Culver, Davis, Dixon, Dumont, Eckley, Eggleston, Farquhar, Goodyear, Hale, Harris, Hart, Hayes, Hill, Hogan, Hooper, Demas Hubbard, Edwin N. Hubbell, James Humphrey, Johnson, Jones, Kerr, Ketcham, George V. Lawrence, LeBlond, Marston, McCullough, McIndoe, Mereur, Miller, Myers, Newell, Nicholson, Noell, Phelps, Pike, Plants, Pomeroy, Price, Radford, Rogers, Rousseau, Schenck, Scofield, Sitgreaves, Sloan, Starr, Taber, Thayer, John L. Thomas, Trimble, Robert T. Van Horn, Welker, Wentworth, Whaley, Winfield, and Wright-66.
So the House refused to lay the bill upon the table.
On motion of Mr. HARDING, of Illinois, Senate bill No. 236, to authorize the construction of certain bridges and their establishment as post routes, was taken from the Speaker's table, and ordered to be printed.
PAY DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY.
Mr. RICE, of Massachusetts, by unanimous consent, introduced a joint resolution to carry into immediate effect the bill to provide for the better organization of the pay department of the Navy, and asked its consideration at the present time.
The bill was read a first and second time, ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time and passed.
Mr. RICE, of Massachusetts, moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed; and also moved to lay the motion to reconsider on the table.
The latter motion was agreed to.
And then, on motion of Mr. FARNSWORTH, (at four o'clock and forty-five minutes p. m.,) the House adjourned.
The following petitions, &c., were presented under the rule and referred to the appropriate committees: By Mr. ELDRIDGE: The petition of Allen Pierse, for amendment of the Constitution so as to provide that the President and Vice President shall hold their offices twenty years, &c.
By Mr. FARNSWORTH: The petition of Hon. L W. Lawrence, and others, citizens of Boone county, Illinois, for increased duties upon wool.
By Mr. GARFIELD: The memorial of several New York and Connecticut manufacturers of sheetbrass, brass and copper wire, and German silver, asking for increased protection.
Also, the petition of 75 citizens of Portage county, Ohio, asking for increased protection to American wool.
By Mr. HARDING, of Illinois: A memorial for survey of a canal to connect Rock river and Lake Michigan.
By Mr. HOLMES: The petition of Henry Ten Eyck, and others, citizens of Madison county, New York, for increase of tariff on wool.
By Mr. JULIAN: The petition of 73 citizens of Randolph county, Indiana, praying an amendment of the Federal Constitution prohibiting any distinction among citizens of the United States on account of race, color, or descent.
By Mr. KELLEY: The petition of J. J. Giers, and others, citizens of Alabama, praying Congress for immediate relief for the destitute and suffering poor of the mountain district of that State.
By Mr. MORRILL: The petition of S. R. Batchellor, and others, citizens of West Braintree, Vermont, praying for increased protection on wool.
By Mr. RAYMOND: Joint resolutions of the Legislature of New York, in favor of the passage of a bill to equalize bounties paid to soldiers.
By Mr, WARD: The petition of citizens of Wirt, Alleghany county, New York, in favor of increasing the tariff on wool.
Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. E. H. GRAY. The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.
PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS.
Mr. HARRIS. I ask leave to present the petition of William Johnson. It appears that this petitioner, who is described in his military papers as a man of dark complexion, with black hair and eyes, enlisted as a private in the fourteenth regiment of New York heavy artillery, and served as a private until his regiment was mustered out. He was mustered out with the regiment, but he was paid only seven dollars a month, being treated the officers of the Government as a colored man. He now asks that an act of Congress may be passed giving him the same pay as other privates of his regiI move that the petition be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia.
The motion was agreed to.
Mr. FESSENDEN presented the petition of Ezra Carter, jr., late collector of the customs of the district of Portland and Falmouth, praying to be allowed a balance due him on account of certain moneys expended for ri pairs to the custom house, the vouchers for which were
Mr. WILLEY, from the Committee on the District of Columbia, to whom was referred a bill (S. No. 281) to authorize the Chesapeake Bay and Potomac River Tide-Water Canal Company to enter the District of Columbia, reported it with an amendment.
Mr. CLARK, from the Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was referred a bill (H. R. No. 473) to extend the jurisdiction of the Court of Claims, reported it without amendment.
Mr. LANE, of Indiana, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred a bill (H. R. No. 493) granting a pension to Mrs. Joanna Winans, reported it without amendment.
He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred a petition of unmarried daughters of revolutionary soldiers, praying that they may be granted the same pension that was received by their mothers while living, asked to be discharged from its further consideration, and that it be referred to the Committee on Revolutionary Claims; which was agreed to.
Mr. SUMNER, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred a message from the President of the United States, communicating a report of the Secretary of State, and papers relative to the claim on the Government by the owners of the British vessel Magicienne, reported a bill (S. No. 297) for the relief of the owners of the British vessel Magicienne; which was read and passed to a second reading.
Mr. JOHNSON. I am instructed by the Committee on the to whom was referred the bill (S. No. 75) to amead the act entitled "An act to reorganize the courts in the District of Columbia," &c., and for other purposes, to report that they have had it under consideration and are of opinion that it should not pass. I move that the bill be indefinitely postponed.
The motion was agreed to.
Mr. POLAND, from the Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was referred a joint resolution (S. R. No. 39) to refer the claim of the administrator of Richard W. Meade, deceased, to the Court of Claims, asked to be discharged from its further consideration, and that it be referred to the Committee on Claims; which was agreed to.
Mr. NYE, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, to whom was referred the petition of A. L. Fleury, praying for the appointment of a commission to visit London to investigate the invention of the so-called Zopissa board with a view of purchasing that invention for the use of the United States Government, reported adversely thereon, and asked to be discharged
He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred a bill (H. R. No. 183) concerning the fire department of Washington city, reported it without amendment.
He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred a bill (S. No. 253) to incorporate the First Congregational Society of Washington, reported it without amendment.
He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred a bill (S. No. 264) to grant certain privileges to the Alexandria and Washington Railroad Company in the District of Columbia, reported it without amendment.
He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred a bill (S. No. 247) donating certain lots in the city of Washington for schools for colored children, reported it with an amend
Mr. MORRILL. The same committee, to whom was referred a petition of citizens of the United States, praying for an appropriation for the establishment of an industrial normal school and farm and workshops in the District of Columbia for the education of competent teachers in agriculture and the mechanic arts, have instructed me to report that legislation is inexpedient; and I move that the petition be indefinitely postponed.
The motion was agreed to.
Mr. VAN WINKLE, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred the petition of Mrs. Jane D. Brent, praying for a pension, submitted a report, accompanied by a bill (S. No. 298) granting a pension to Jane D. Brent. The bill was read, and passed to a second reading, and the report was ordered to be printed.
He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the petition of Mrs. Jane E. Miles, widow of William D. Miles, praying for a pension, submitted a report, accompanied by a bill (S. No. 299) granting a pension to Jane second reading, and the report was ordered to E. Miles. The bill was read, and passed to a be printed.
On motion of Mr. MORRILL, it was
Ordered, That the report of the Committee on Revolutionary Claims on the petition of Sarah L. Spring and Harriet Spring, of Waterville, Maine, heirs of Captain William Barker, deceased, of the continental establishment of the revolutionary army, praying Congress to grant to them the pension that their grandfather would have drawn from the time of his discharge to the time of his death, or the half pay, with interest thereon, to which he was entitled by law, be recommitted to that committee.
Mr. HOWARD asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 301) regulating the service of final process in suits at law and of orders and decrees in equity of courts of the United States in places out of their jurisdictional limits; which was read twice by its title, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed.
Mr. MORGAN asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 302) for the relief of the Mercantile Mutual Insurance Company of New York; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Claims.
Mr. GUTHRIE asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a joint resolution (S. R. No. 82) to provide for codifying the laws relating to the customs; which was read twice by its title.
Mr. GUTHRIE. When I was in the Treasury Department I reported to Congress a codification of the revenue laws. I deemed it necessary at that time, but Congress did not act on it. It lies in the Treasury yet unacted upon and undisposed of. In a conversation with the Secretary of the Treasury, this resolution was prepared, and I know he is anxious
to have the benefit of such a codification. I propose to refer the resolution to the Committee on Commerce in order that they may consider the subject.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It will be so referred.
Mr. CLARK. There are several bills and orders upon the Calendar reported from the Committee on Claims. The Committee on Claims have asked of the Senate no time in regard to these matters during the present session; and I propose to ask of the Senate a little time on Friday next, if they will give it to me, to consider some matters reported from the Committee on Claims. Friday used to be a day set apart every week for the consideration of private claims, and I now propose to ask a little time next Friday, if the Senate will allow it.
FUNDING OF THE NATIONAL DEBT.
Mr. SHERMAN asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 300) to reduce the rate of interest on the national debt, and for funding the same; which was read twice by its title.
Mr. SHERMAN. Before this bill is referred I desire to make a statement as to some of the provisions of this bill for public information. It provides in the usual form for a five per cent. thirty-year loan, to be called the consolidated debt of the United States, and to be disposed of at not less than par, and to be applied to the payment of the existing national debt other than United States notes commonly known as greenbacks. There are two provisions of the bill likely to excite opposition, one of which grows out of the question of taxing property in United States securities. It cannot be denied that a strong feeling grows out of the exemption from State taxation of so large an amount of property, and various propositions have been made to subject them to increased taxation by the United States. While they bear interest at a rate equal to that allowed in most of the States on notes and securities subject to tax, this feeling of inequality will continue and increase. They are now subject to income tax levied by the United States, but owing to the $600 exemption, now proposed to be increased to $1,000, and also to the large amount held abroad which cannot be reached, and the readiness with which the tax is evaded, it yields to the United States less than one tenth of one per cent. on the aggregate debt. In consideration of the voluntary reduction in the rate of interest from six and seven and three tenths per cent. to five per cent., this bill proposes to extend the present exemption from State taxation to the income tax, and will in effect secure to the United States a reduction of one sixth of the present interest paid, with but the trifling loss of the income tax. The saving thus made, with a further sum, sufficient annually to amount to thirty millions, it is proposed to apply to the payment of the principal of the debt. If uninterrupted this will be accomplished in thirtyfive years. The effect is to pay the national debt by the saving of interest.
The second provision grows out of the option given to the holders of the seven and three tenths notes to demand payment in money at their maturity in five-thirty bonds. This option will compel the Secretary to accumulate vast sums for a contingency that may not happen, and place him at the mercy of sudden contractions whenever the notes mature, as they do in large sums at specified dates. To avoid this, this bill applies the common custom and law of requiring a reasonable notice by the holders of this option. The same principle was applied to the option in the demand notes of 1862, and to an ordinary hiring of a house or a servant from year to year. If no option is taken then it is held to be a choice of money, and the Secretary will have six months to prepare for it.
I will not discuss the bill further. It is approved by the Secretary of the Treasury and has been partially considered by the Committec on Finance. It will be objected that the
holders of the present bonds will not convert them, but fortunately nearly all our securities will soon be within our reach by maturity. And it is the confident belief that this clean loan on a reduced rate of interest will be so fair an adjustment between the conflicting interests of the bond-holders and tax-payers that it will be accepted by both, and thus represent the consolidated debt of the United States. All the advantages proposed by the bill will be more properly considered when it is reported to the Senate. In the mean time it is but right to submit it to the impartial test of the public judgment, for it affects the interest of every one who pays taxes or holds national securities.
Union require the admission of every State to its share in public legislation whenever it presents itself, not only in an attitude of loyalty and harmony, but in the persons of representatives whose loyalty cannot be questioned under any constitutional or legal test.
That whenever any one of the States lately in insurrection shall ratify the above proposed amendment, as required by the Constitution of the United States, and shall conform its constitution and laws thereto, the Senators and Representatives from such State, after the 4th day of March, 1867, if found duly elected and qualified, shall, upon taking the required oaths, be admitted into Congress: Provided, That Senators and Representatives from Tennessee and Arkansas, respectively, shall be admitted, if elected and qualified as aforesaid, when either of said States shall ratify, as aforesaid, said proposed amendment.
Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. President, I beg permission to say that this amendment embodies the views I presented to the committee, and I introduce it at this time so that it may be printed and examined before the Senate proceeds to the consideration of the bill. I invite attention to the fact that by this amendment Senators and Representatives from the socalled confederate States are not allowed to take their seats in Congress until the 4th day of March, 1867, with the exception of Tennessee and Arkansas, giving the loyal States an opportunity, if they desire so to do, to make the proposed constitutional amendment a part of the Constitution of the United States before that time. Should the loyal States adopt that amendment, I have little doubt that it would be adopted by enough of the other States to make it a part of the Constitution before the 4th of March, 1867; but if the loyal States should refuse to adopt the amendment and say that they do not want the guarantees and security for which it provides, then, so far as I am advised at present, I can see no good reason for refusing any longer to receive representation from these insurgent States. Tennessee and Arkansas are made exceptions. Their Senators and Representatives are to be received as soon as they ratify this constitutional amendment; and I believe, from the condition of their people and the character of their constitutions and laws, that they are entitled to a precedence over the other States that have been in rebellion. I believe that this amendment is better in all respects than the original section; but if the Senate, after consideration, decides otherwise, I shall cheerfully acquiesce in its judgment.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The order to print will be entered if there be no objection. Mr. DIXON. Mr. President, I ask leave to give notice of my intention to offer, by way of amendment to the bill and resolutions reported by the joint committee on reconstruction, and as a substitute therefor, the following joint resolution:
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the interests of peace and the interests of the
I ask the consent of the Senate to say a few words in explanation of my views on the subject.
What the country expected from Congress was a practical scheme for hastening the reestablishment of all the States in their full constitutional relations. This report produces a plan which must inevitably put off this end, so strongly desired and demanded. Does any one believe that the southern States will accept the proposed constitutional amendment? Certainly they will decline. They will say, "Let us see what the next elections in the North develop. This Congress may recommend the amendment; the next Congress, which is to be chosen in the fall of the present year, and which may meet on the 5th of March, 1867, may be of a different mind. It may repeal all that this Congress has enacted; we had better wait."
dence will have sacrificed the great objects we have already gained.
The amendment proposed is right enough, if the reconstruction committee can get any southern State to accept it. But unless they do so, it is of course only a shot in the air, which may be right and true, but will hit nowhere unless indeed it falls upon the heads of the gunners. Is it not far wiser for Congress to make sure of what it has done; to cry "Enough for this time;" to be content that it has secured the supremacy of law and justice in all our territory; and to admit at once to their seats all Representatives and Senators who can take the prescribed oaths?
Even the reconstruction committee acknowledge that "it is expedient that the States lately in insurrection should, at the earliest day consistent with the future peace and safety of the Union, be restored to full participation in all political rights." Now, what have we already to secure future peace and safety?" In the first place, we have the civil rights act, under which any citizen who is denied justice by local or State courts is empowered to appeal to the United States court, which is commanded, with all its machinery, to interfere in his behalf, and if necessary, to use the mili tary power of the United States to secure him justice. Surely no citizen need suffer wrong while this act remains. In the next place, we have a form of oath, prescribed by Congress, which makes it impossible for any one who voluntarily engaged in rebellion to enter Congress or to hold any Federal office without committing perjury, for which he may and ought to be indicted and punished. Finally, we have the Freedmen's Bureau for a whole year, during which, with a wise and conciliatory policy, we may hope the labor question in the South will assume something of its normal condition.
One Congress cannot bring about the millennium; there are years to come in which we may all join upon a platform of larger liberty, and argue the questions and urge the reforms which still remain. For this time we have rea son to be content; for we have put down armed resistance to the laws, and Congress has given us, in the civil rights act, a guarantee for free speech in every part of the Union. It is our own fault if, having thus secured the right to argue, we do not enlighten prejudice and mere opposition, and show that equal liberty is the best for all.
What I have read seems to me so wise and just, that I have adopted it as the best expres sion which I can make of my own views. It is the leading editorial article in the New York Evening Post of May 1, a journal which cer
The "restoration of the States to their practical relations in the Union," as Mr. Lincoln happily phrased it, is therefore put off, if this report is accepted, for at least another year; and the practical result of the labors of the reconstruction committee will be to have made up a platform on which those who choose to stand upon it may go before the country at the fall election. That is all; and in our judg-tainly is not excelled in ability, patriotism, and ment that is not enough to satisfy the country. influence by any newspaper in this country. Coming from such a source, I cannot but hope that these wise, calm, and statesmanlike views may have some influence even in this body, as they certainly will have among the intelligent people of the United States. They express, in my judgment, the calm and resolute convictions of thinking men, and will, so soon as public opinion can legitimately declare itself, take the form and be clothed with the authority of public law.
It is hardly worth while to discuss the merits of measures which to be valid must be accepted by communities which are sure to reject them; but we may remark that it is not probable so heavily taxed and so poor a people as those of the southern States will assume the paymeut of the enormous and wastefully contracted rebel debt, and that no party would ever dare to go before the people of this country with a proposition for the United States to assume this debt, whose certificates are held chiefly by foreign speculators upon our national ruin. Further, that it is scarcely probable the people who have a majority in the South will voluntarily disfranchise themselves; and that the extremes to which partisan passions have been inflamed in Tennessee by the disfranchisement of the greater part of the population there, does not encourage practical men to look for the fruits of peace from such a policy enforced elsewhere.
Leave was granted to introduce the joint resolution (S. R. No. 81) providing for the representation of the several States in the Congress of the United States; which was read twice by its title.
Mr. FESSENDEN. I wish to make a single remark upon the proposition of the honorable Senator from Connecticut. He thinks that the remarks which he read from the New York Evening Post are so very wise, so very just, that he has some hope, to use his own language, that they may not be without their effect even upon the members of this body; thus, I suppose, intending to intimate that the last place where wise and just views could be expected to have any effect would be upon the members of this body. Sir, we have not given ourselves over to the keeping of the honorable Senator from Connecticut, or those who act with him. We do not pretend to any very particular wisdom or any particular sense of justice; but we who were on the joint committee of fifteen, and who are most immediately touched by the remark, feel that at any rate we have tried to do our duty. We have been in session a considerable length of time but not longer than we deemed it absolutely necessary in order to reach a conclusion, and in reaching that conclusion we have been obliged to take into consideration a great many things: first, what it would be wise and just to do, and next what, if it is wise and just, we can do; what would be acceptable in the first place to Congress, and in the next place what would be acceptable to the people. Unquestionably in the committee there was very considerable difference of opinion. That difference of opinion had to be reconciled. I do not suppose that the scheme as presented would be exactly large number; but the question is one bein all particulars what would suit perhaps a yond mere personal opinion, and mere adherence to personal opinion or personal feeling either; and the committee, after much deliber
But let us not forget, on the other hand, the dangers which attend impracticable measures. Suppose, going before the people on this platform, built by the congressional committee, we are beaten. In that event we may be sure that the next Congress will not only refuse to make the demands which this one makes, but it will most probably repeal the civil rights actation, came to the conclusion that its duty was and the test oath; and thus our own impru
to agree upon that which seemed to be the best